REVIEW OF THE 1994 WATER REPORT (2001)

Water Tower

REVIEW OF THE 1994 WATER REPORT

A review commissioned in accordance with Recommendation 7 of the 1994 'Water Report':

That the Race Discrimination Commissioner review progress made in the wake of this Report in the light of the recommendations, the Government's response to the Report, and the state of water and sanitation services in the ten case study communities; and that this review commence in one year's time.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner and Acting Race Discrimination Commissioner, 2001

Acknowledgements
Foreword
Introduction
Chapter 1. The 1994 Water Report
Chapter 2. Developments Since the Water Report
Chapter 3. Findings in the Ten Case Study Communities
Chapter 4. Comparative Assessment of Services in the Ten Case Study Communities
Chapter 5. Conclusions
Annex 1 List of Acronyms
Annex 2 1994 Water Report Recommendations
Annex 3 Responses to the 1994 Water Report
Annex 4 Program Initiatives over the Past Five Years
Annex 5 Water Regulation and Provision in the States and Northern Territory
Annex 6 International Best Practice in Water and Sanitation
Annex 7 Contacted and/or Participating Agencies
Annex 8 Case Study References
Annex 9 References
Annex 10 Relevant Websites

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The research in this review was undertaken by a team led by Dr Bruce Walker, Director of the Centre for Appropriate Technology (CAT) in Alice Springs. Ms Allison Adams, Research Officer, prepared the comprehensive case studies and was responsible for the high level inputs from individuals, agencies and the case study communities. Thanks also to Robyn Grey-Gardner, Water Transfer Technical Officer of the Cooperative Research Centre for Water Quality Treatment, who is based with CAT. Dr Christopher Kenna contributed to the analysis and policy implications of the case study findings. Ms Chitra Majumdar, Information Officer of the National Technology Transfer Clearinghouse assisted with research and information resources.

The research was undertaken between June and November 1999 but reflects, more broadly, CAT's ongoing involvement in the Indigenous water supply sector since the release of the 1994 Water Report.

The team undertaking the research were encouraged by members of the case study communities, Aboriginal organisations, and many others who contributed willingly to increasing understanding of how things have changed during the past five years. The CAT team offers its thanks to all these contributors.

Dr Bruce Walker also wishes to acknowledge a number of individuals and agencies who have been particularly helpful including:

Peter Taylor of ATSIC; John Tsoukas of Ove Arup; Alan Morton of Morton Consulting; Tony Black of the Torres Strait Island Coordinating Council; Liam Stallard, DNR, Cairns; DOSAA, Adelaide; Burns Aldis Engineering and Community Development Project Managers, Sydney; the Project Officers of ATSIC Regional Offices of Ceduna, Bourke, South Hedland, Mt Isa, Kalgoorlie and Tamworth; Ingkerreke Resource Centre Management; the 19th Chief Engineer Works, Royal Australian Engineers; Mark Moran and numerous other engineers who work with companies such as: Ove Arup, PPK, HGM, Maunsell McIntyre, GHD and CARDNO MBK.

Dr Jonas wishes to thank Bruce Walker and Lionel Turner of the Ingkerreke Resource Management Centre for accompanying him and his team to the Mpweringe-Arnapipe communities near Alice Springs in July 2000.

This report was prepared and edited by Annette Bastaja of the Race Discrimination Unit.

FOREWORD

In 1994 the federal Race Discrimination Commissioner released the Water Report, containing the findings of a comprehensive inquiry into the provision of water and sanitation services to Australia's remote Indigenous communities. The inquiry focussed specifically on eight remote communities on mainland Australia and two island communities in the Torres Strait. Its conclusions questioned many of the fundamental assumptions that informed policies and processes of the day in the area of service delivery to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, and made a series of recommendations.

In 1999, in accordance with Recommendation 7 of the Water Report, the Commission undertook to review those same ten communities to assess developments over the past five years. Dr Bruce Walker, of the Centre for Appropriate Technology (CAT) in Alice Springs, was appointed to undertake the research. Dr Walker, who worked on the original report, was asked to assess a range of issues using the original Water Report as a benchmark.

Specifically, CAT was asked to compare the situation in 1994 with the situation in 1999, with particular reference to

the effectiveness of contractors and authorities
Indigenous involvement in decision-making
Indigenous training and employment opportunities and
technical compliance, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability.

This review summarises CAT's findings. While it does not claim to provide a comprehensive analysis of the type contained in the 1994 Water Report, it does provide a 'snapshot' of where communities stand some five years later. In doing so, it examines some of the major water and sanitation policy and program initiatives of the last five years, reports on changes, identifies activities that have been successful and flags areas of ongoing concern.

Clearly, significant expenditure and effort has been applied to water and sanitation infrastructure in remote communities during this period. While it was not possible for CAT to personally consult with the full range of Indigenous community stakeholders (as was the case with the Water Report), it has been possible to discern general trends from national programs, reports and infrastructure planning documents for each community.

The views expressed in this review reflect the perceptions of the individuals interviewed, the availability of technical reports on the water and sanitation infrastructure projects and a desktop study of community developments. CAT visited three of the communities, and reported sufficient interest from other communities in future visits by the Commission. The review reflects issues that are pertinent to remote Indigenous communities rather than the concerns of Indigenous people living in urban and peri-urban settings. It highlights issues that are relevant in communities with 'priority needs'. In addition, CAT's involvement in international water supply projects allows for the assessment of trends in the Australian water and sanitation sector against international best practice.

This review is intended to contribute to policy and program development within Government, between the various jurisdictions and within the broader community, including among Indigenous leaders and community members. It would not have been possible without significant contributions from a range of stakeholders. In particular I would like to acknowledge remote community staff; ATSIC; the state agencies; contracted program and project managers; and project managers responsible for ATSIC and Torres Strait major infrastructure projects.

I am grateful to Dr Bruce Walker and his team in Alice Springs for their invaluable work and commitment. I look forward to their ongoing contribution to this vital area of work.

Dr William Jonas
AM Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner
Acting Race Discrimination Commissioner

INTRODUCTION

Indigenous Settlement

The geographic dispersal of Indigenous people in Australia, often in remote rural locations, has clear implications for social policy. Australia's population is highly urbanized, with around 85 per cent of Australians living in settlements with populations of 10,000 or more. The remaining 15 per cent live in small country towns, on farms, or in remote settlements. Australia's largest settlements occupy less than one per cent of the nation's land area(1). Given these realities, many Australians have limited experience or appreciation of what is required to deliver sustainable services in remote settlements.

Policy determination and service delivery in Indigenous communities is affected by size and location. The number of remote Indigenous communities has grown over the last 20 years, largely due to the outstation movement. In 1992, 65% of a total Indigenous population of 265,378 lived in rural and remote areas of Australia. Indigenous people represented almost 20 per cent of the remote population at that time.

In 1999, as part of the Community Housing and Infrastructure Needs Survey (CHINS), the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) identified a total of 1,291 discrete Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander communities throughout Australia. Of these communities, 81 communities were discrete areas within a larger non-Indigenous population and 1,210 communities were geographically separate from other population centres(2).

Click on the image above to see Endnote (3)

As can be seen, population statistics are inconsistent. CHINS identified 943 communities with less than 50 people and 149 communities with 200 people or more. A recent CAT study(4) revealed 1031 discrete Indigenous communities (92% of all Indigenous communities) had populations less than 200 people. While around 36% of the total remote Indigenous population lived in communities of up to 200, 64% of Indigenous people in remote areas lived in communities larger than 200 people.

The small size and high levels of mobility in many of these regional communities, combined with a lack of access to specialised services, low levels of technical training and formal skills and small community budgets, make provision of services extremely challenging.

The ABS(5), Australian Medical Association(6)and the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare(7) record many other characteristics, as well as the significant differences of the populations of these small settlements in comparison to national norms. Studies by Healthabitat(8) have demonstrated features of living in housing which challenge conventional service delivery concepts such as 'user pays'.

In a community with twelve houses, three family groups accessed three houses each, five family groups accessed two houses each and one family had been in five houses over a thirteen month period. Only two family groups enjoyed uninterrupted occupancy(9).

While this profile of remote Indigenous communities is not exhaustive it is obvious that mainstream delivery of services is likely to be severely taxed in such communities. It is also apparent that services that require high levels of technical or other specialisation may be less than appropriate to meeting the long-term needs of small communities.

Factors in Settlement Formation

It is useful to consider the historical emergence and decline of settlements and the processes which contribute to their sustainability. Human societies have developed a range of social, intellectual, economic and technical responses to diverse environmental conditions and impacts from other social groups. To generalise, different societies have depended on hunting and gathering, herding, agriculture, manufacturing and/or trade as the dominant economic activity in their settlement. Technical innovations in areas such as water use, food production, communications, building, transportation and materials production have made possible larger and more diverse human settlements.

It is possible to draw some broad conclusions.

First, the benefits available in a specialised industrial context have partly depended on activities carried out by large congregations of people. As settlement size increases certain benefits and disbenefits accrue and the level of specialisation increases. As settlement size increases the type and diversity of work and economic activity also increases.
Secondly, different cultural groups and geographical groups require, develop and sustain different technologies that are appropriate to their circumstances. Groups may develop technology that makes possible new work functions within the settlement.
Thirdly, change has partly depended on new technologies being developed, accessed and controlled in ways which provide social benefit. Inequality within and between societies has partly resulted from differential control of and access to the products of environment and technology.

In short, the capacity of a settlement to deal with a dynamic external environment may be affected by its size and location. The large cities of industrialised countries devise options for service delivery, housing and development which may be more or less satisfactory.

In contrast to approaches developed for large cities, small settlements such as remote Australian Indigenous communities require substantially different solutions. There is a very direct link between the places where people have formed settlements and their access to resources, including water, in the determination of the settlement location. Technological advances and wealth, however, have made it possible to position settlements away from resources such as potable water and arable land.

To generalise, traditional communities around the world have, to varying degrees, maintained distinctive cultural practices and economies in keeping with their culture and environment. The majority of Australians have an attachment to place affected by factors such as family ties, personal preference and economic opportunity. In the main, however, Australia's remote Indigenous people have a very different link with their land.

Chapter One

The 1994 Water Report

On the 16th May 1994 the federal Race Discrimination Commissioner submitted the Water Report(10) to the Commonwealth Attorney-General. The aims of the report were to

provide an overview of the provision of water to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities
document the situation in ten case study communities
identify the factors and constraints that hindered or helped in the provision of water and sanitation services and recommend action, and
initiate a process whereby Aboriginal communities might work through the solution to their problems and where technical options might be suggested and addressed by communities, local and state governments.

The report recognised the significant economic and technical problems involved in providing any remote community with a quantity and quality of water supply that is comparable to urban communities. It adopted two overriding principles of investigation

that the issues in the provision of water were not primarily technical in nature, but rather social and political, and
that the involvement of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who were to be served by the project was paramount to the success of any water provision project irrespective of technical expertise.

The Water Report provided a comprehensive overview and history of factors influencing the provision of water and sanitation to remote Indigenous settings. The findings of the report called into question many of the fundamental assumptions that informed the policies and processes of the day in the area of service delivery to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, specifically that

provision of 'equal' services would inevitably lead to equality of outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
existing methods of consultation and negotiation provided opportunities for self determination, and
modern technology would provide solutions to quality of life issues in Indigenous communities.

Importantly, the report provided examples of situations where unsatisfactory outcomes had resulted from initiatives based on these assumptions.

Water Report Recommendations

The Water Report did not presume to provide specific solutions to local problems, nor did it ignore the practical difficulties associated with the provision of adequate water services to remote communities. It acknowledged that government departments and agencies had made efforts to achieve acceptable levels of service provision.

The report did, however, highlight key issues working against those efforts and concluded that no significant improvement in Aboriginal living conditions would be achieved unless and until these key issues were fully understood. The report made recommendations in six key strategic areas which, if addressed, would have the effect of building the capacity of communities of Indigenous people to respond to continuing water and sanitation needs as they arose over time. These recommendations were

1. Community Control: That Government at all levels recognise the vital element of community control in the effective provision of services and review relevant legislation and structures to provide for the establishment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander service provision authorities.

2. Equality and Discrimination: That Government at all levels actively promote a broader community understanding of equity and equality based on recognition of differences between cultures. Evaluation should be on the basis of equitable outcomes, not similarity of inputs.

3. Indigenous People's Rights: That the Federal Government, as a matter of urgency, prepare a national statement of Indigenous Peoples Rights.

4. Technical Advice: That ATSIC continue to consider and address the means by which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities receive and respond to scientific and technical advice; and assess the need for independent community-controlled review of options prior to endorsement of projects, consultants and policies.

5. Sustainable Development: That peak Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups consider the implications of the prevailing technology-led control-oriented development paradigm (based principally on sameness of service) in terms of its appropriateness for longer-term sustainable development of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, particularly in small remote locations.

6. Concomitant Changes: That the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner determine if changes or augmentation of Government policies and programs are required to give effect to issues of standards, values, equality and self-determination identified in the Report.

7. Monitoring and Review: That the Race Discrimination Commissioner review progress made in the wake of this Report in the light of the recommendations, the Government's response to the Report, and the state of water and sanitation services in the ten case study communities; and that this review commence in one year's time.

A full explanation of each recommendation can be found at Annex 2.

The 1994 Case Study Communities

The Water Report examined ten communities from around Australia to demonstrate the complexity and diversity of circumstances in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. Each case study documented the condition of water and sanitation services in that community and highlighted specific areas of concern. The following provides a brief introduction to the communities under review.

Punmu

Punmu is in the western desert near Lake Dora in the central northern area of Western Australia. It was established as a permanent camp at the Rawa site in 1981. People were very mobile, and they consider the traditional lands around them as their home. The Martu people have been the custodians of rain-making sites in the region. The estimated population in 1994 was 250 people (150 in 1999).

Coonana

Coonana is in Western Australia, approximately 160 km east of Kalgoorlie and 4 km south of the Trans-Australia railway line. The people of Coonana were moved there from Cundalee in 1985-6, following the purchase of the Coonana pastoral lease in 1982. Incentives offered to the Wangki people as a trade off for moving to Coonana from Cundalee included pastoral enterprise, horticultural enterprise, market gardens and a grassed oval. Lack of water resources has severely hampered development at Coonana. In 1994 the population was estimated at 300 (250 in 1999).

Yalata

Yalata is a community of Pitjantjatjara people situated at the top of the Great Australian Bight in South Australia. In 1994 it had a population of 400 people (350 Aboriginal (400 in 1999) and 50 non-Aboriginal). Half of the community were under 25 years old. The land, covering 4,560sq kilometres, was purchased by the South Australian Government in 1952. Yalata is situated on a karst plain. There is a lack of surface features and poor drainage.

Oak Valley/Maralinga

Oak Valley is an Aboriginal community in the southern portion of the Great Victoria Desert of South Australia, approximately 140 km south of Maralinga. The settlement was originally classified as a series of outstations. Maralinga is about one and a half hours by road on a reasonable bush track. The Aboriginal inhabitants of Oak Valley are highly mobile. Oak Valley residents were likely to spend considerable periods away from Oak Valley, none being present all the year. The people emphasise traditional values rather than contemporary values. The population in 1994 was estimated at 65 (90 in 1999).

Mpweringe-Arnapipe

Mpweringe-Arnapipe is an association of six family groups living 46-75 km north of Alice Springs. At the time of the Water Report survey(11) people were living on unused stock routes although they would have preferred to live on other land which was proposed for excision from surrounding pastoral leases. A 1986 CLC survey indicated a family population of 184 (115 in 1999) with an average of 38 people resident in the communities. There were seasonal and other population variations.

Dareton

Dareton is a small town on the Murray River in New South Wales. The main group of people lived on a small reserve just outside Dareton with another small camp existing a few kilometres away. Dareton's population in 1994 was 900. Namatjira Avenue and the reserve population were estimated at an average of 150-200 (250 in 1999). The community layout was not just in one location: 20% of people lived in Dareton itself in State Housing Commission houses; 10-20% lived at Merrinee; and 60-70% lived at Namatjira Avenue and the surrounding Reserve area about 3 km east of Dareton.

Tingha

Tingha is a rural village situated 70 km north-west of Guyra and 25 km south-east of Inverell in NSW. It is located within the boundaries of Guyra Shire Council. Tingha is an old tin mining town located on poor quality agricultural land, and surrounded by grazing properties. The total population was about 850-1000 people, of whom approximately 25% (estimated 240 in 1994; 250 in 1999) were Aboriginal people.

Doomadgee

Doomadgee is about 119 km south of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and is approximately 87 km east of the Queensland-Northern Territory border. The nearest major town is Mt Isa, which is 480 km by road. Doomadgee land includes 30 km of the Nicholson River. Doomadgee's population in 1976 was 600 people. In 1994 the population was 922 (estimated 1200 in 1999).

The Torres Strait

The two islands studied demonstrated the dramatic differences in culture between Torres Strait Islanders and Aborigines of the mainland. The conditions on the islands were less desirable in water and sanitation services, yet there were fewer complaints. There were also fewer non Torres Strait Islanders living in the communities than for equivalent sized mainland communities.

Boigu Island

This mud island is only 4 km from Papua New Guinea (PNG). People have very little land available for settlement and their foreshores are subject to tidal surge and inundation by sea water. In 1994 the population of Boigu Island was 330 (340 in 1999) and there were 29 houses.

Coconut Island

Coconut Island is 1900 metres long and 300 metres wide and is located at the NW end of a large reef flat in the central eastern group of the Torres Strait. The village is 6-7 metres above sea level. The island is reasonably flat and most of the island is between 5 and 7 metres above sea level, except on the southern side where sand dunes rise to 12 metres. There were 30 houses on Coconut Island and a population of approximately 150 in 1994 (188 in 1999).

Chapter Two

Developments since the Water Report

Measures adopted to improve the provision of water and sanitation invariably target 'improved health' as their primary goal. Therefore the desire to improve the health status of Australia's Indigenous peoples has been the most significant catalyst of change over the last five years.

The 1994 Water Report reinforced that the right to water was implied through the right to health. It said

...as satisfactory health is a precondition of the full enjoyment of almost all human rights and fundamental freedoms, water is crucial in a chain of factors affecting the fulfillment of other human rights, and the right to water is implied throughout many of the more wide ranging provisions of the various instruments.(12)

Since 1994 there have been a raft of significant federal, state and territory government policies, programs and initiatives designed to address persistent indicators of relatively poor Indigenous health. Comprehensive explanation of each of these initiatives is provided at Annex 4. They include

Community Housing and Infrastructure Program (CHIP), ATSIC
Health Infrastructure Priority Projects (HIPP), ATSIC
National Aboriginal Health Strategy (NAHS), ATSIC
ATSIC-Army Community Assistance Program (AACAP)
National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Survey 1994, ABS
Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation Benchmarking Workshop
Revision of the Australian Drinking Water Guidelines, Joint Committee of the Agricultural Resource Management Council of Australia and New Zealand and the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council
Western Water Study, Australian Geological Survey Organisation
The Water Book, Water Industry Training Advisory Board, Australian National Training Authority
Commonwealth-State Working Group on Indigenous Housing
Remote Area Essential Services Program, WA government
Environmental Health Survey, WA government
Total Management Plans (TMP), Queensland government
Aboriginal Environmental Health Infrastructure Forum, NSW government
Aboriginal Community Development Program, NSW government
NSW Survey of Water Supply and Sanitation Infrastructure, NSW government
Aboriginal Housing Office, NSW government
Indigenous Housing Authority of the Northern Territory (IHANT)/federal government
Remote Areas Essential Services Program, South Australian government
Housing for Health Initiative
Pitjantjatjara Rockhole Project, Pitjantjatjara Council, Australian Nature Conservation Agency
Rainwater Harvesting, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies
National Technology Transfer Clearinghouse, Centre for Appropriate Technology, Central Australian, North Queensland, NW Western Australia

The following tables summarise total funding allocated by ATSIC to HIPP and NAHS projects between 1995/96 to 2002/03(13) and infrastructure programs and sanitation upgrades in the ten case study communities during the past five years.

The following table identifies NAHS program funding across all states and the Northern Territory from 1995/96 until 1999/2000. One criterion for selection of a NAHS project was that the estimated cost should be greater than $300,000. In practice, the majority of projects approved had budgets of between $1-2m. Funding was also available to ATSIC Regional Councils for local projects to supplement the larger NAHS projects.

Click on the table above for Endnotes (14) and (15). Click on the table below for Endnote (16).

Chapter Three

Findings in the Ten Case Study Communities

In light of the range of new policies and programs outlined in Chapter 2, CAT compiled brief status reports comparing the situation in the case study communities in 1999 against findings in 1994. The Aboriginal Perspectives on Water workshop, convened in 1996, also provided CAT with an opportunity to enquire about developments in the case study communities.

The analysis undertaken by CAT in this chapter is based on

interviews conducted with project and program managers
a review of literature relevant to each community
numerous phone conversations, and
three site visits (to Coconut Island, Doomadgee and Mpweringe-Arnapipe).

Ideally, the status of water supply and sanitation in each community needs to be confirmed with a program of visits and much more detailed discussion with Indigenous residents. However, a comprehensive exercise of this nature was not within the scope of this review. It is therefore necessary to qualify statements in the status reports. It was not possible within the short timeframe to seek feedback from all parties involved in contributing to the status reports, to ensure that details provided reflect the situation appropriately. Taken as a group, the status reports provide a clear indication of some of the positive changes and general trends, as well as areas where there has been less progress. It would not be wise to use the status reports to do more than this.

PUNMU

This remote community, situated in the western desert of Western Australia, still retained many traditional practices. The case study demonstrated the value of water (including salty water) to Aboriginal people as a means of sustaining physical and spiritual life. Brackish and salty water was highly regarded, valued and protected for its medicinal and ceremonial purposes. The people of Punmu articulated a need for water across their country, not just in their village. Their movement patterns and practice of culture was hindered by a lack of access to water along their new movement tracks, dictated by the pattern of roads rather than traditional walking paths. Their ability to respond to these changing aspects of their life and culture was hindered by the processes and procedures of water provision which focus on house and settlement, rather than a large tract of country.

1994

At the time of the Water Report there were 4 old two bedroom houses, and 4 three room twin units. There were no shower, toilet or laundry facilities to the houses since the mains water supply was not connected to the house. There were 3 VIP toilets in the community.

Water supplies to each of the 3 camps were completely independent from each other and were drawn from shallow aquifers. At Yilyarra there was a bore with a windmill and a standby diesel generator . The water was distributed to 7 families via 2 standpipes. At Tuutuu bore water was pumped by a solar pump and a standpipe by the tank.
At Rawa there were two bores, and the supply was accessed by means of a ring reticulated system with 8 standpipes. Some houses were connected by temporary plumbing, and these leaked. Standpipes were not to standard. Despite leaks the supply appeared to be adequate in quantity. Inappropriate connection to houses created a number of problems. Residents did not have a clear picture of how the system worked.
A water quality report in March 1990 revealed the level of salts and bacteria was acceptable for drinking water, but as there was no chlorination or any other form of disinfection at Rawa and Yilyarra the water occasionally became contaminated.
Solid waste was disposed at a rubbish tip west of Rawa. There was rubbish in and around the community. VIP toilets were only used occasionally. It was possible that waste water would contaminate the water supply source.

1999

Very little information was obtained on Punmu. The community were enthusiastic to participate in the study and to have the team visit, but this was not undertaken on this occasion. The population in 1999 was estimated at 150 people.

Punmu received a grant of $1,500,000 from HIPP1 funding for the reconstruction and upgrade of household septic tanks; the construction of an effluent disposal system; rationalisation of the internal road system including landscaping (dust control) and stormwater drainage; repair of water services and house connections, concreting 3 verandahs; and construction of communal ablution and shelter facilities. All construction works were completed within the project budget. There was also Homeswest funding for minor building works to existing houses.
- Indigenous employment and training for the above project comprised backhoe hire from the community (61 hours), backhoe operators and labourers (approximately 15 person days), and labourers for roadworks (approximately 8 person days).
Inspections of the water supply and sanitation systems during July 1998 indicated leaks in the ultraviolet water disinfection system; bores were soon to be fenced off by the community to stop burning out of pumps due to tampering; grass and rubbish around the disinfection room (which was a fire hazard); holes in the roof of the UV shed because it had been jumped on.
- The sewerage system evaporation pond was overflowing, and gates were open and without padlocks or chains. The system itself was reported to be working well.
The 1999 NAHS/EHP survey for Round 2 recommended funding for the water supply in order to purchase and install a new ground water tank; a new transfer pump to pump water from the ground tank to the high tank; and replacement of the telemetry.
- The primary concern was said to be vulnerability in the dry season. Although the community does not generally run out of water a new tank is required because the current tank has holes which could be a source of contamination. The existing tank was 50 or 100 kL, and the team recommended replacement with a 225 kL tank. The consultant also reported that the water system was not being managed properly because the telemetry was dysfunctional. Water is more likely to be wasted because the supply had to be turned off manually when the tank was full. Water is tested fortnightly.
The August 1999 NAHS team visit indicated that the sewerage system was still functioning well. The ponds are still subject to overflowing.

At present the community has no other projects scheduled. There was no Community Development Employment Program (CDEP) or Essential Services Officer (ESO). The systems are serviced by a Regional Service Provider who is responsible for regular, planned and unplanned maintenance services.

COONANA

Coonana is situated just south of the Trans-Australia railway line 200km from Kalgoorlie in Western Australia. The people of Coonana moved from Cundelee (a mission north of the railway line) to obtain better water supply, better job prospects for young people, and a cattle station. Planning documentation for the move described an elaborate system of ground tanks and roaded catchments as a secure water supply. However, only a fraction of the planned works were completed and the water supply is not greatly improved over that of Cundelee. People at Coonana were the first of a number of communities to demonstrate their own strategies for ensuring water supply irrespective of the formal water supply system.

1994

Groundwater prospects were poor. There was no obvious potable water in adjoining areas, and the closest source was 30km away. It was thought that even water of stock quality may have been unobtainable locally.

The community's water supply consisted of Round dam, a 20,000 cubic metre, roofed dam installed using the homestead catchment area which was adjacent to the Square Homestead dam of 40,000 cubic metres capacity. Water could be pumped into the round dam. A contour line was cut, and a bituminised runway preceded the dams. Flow into these dams only occurred after long, heavy rain. Oak dam water, 6 km to the south was connected to Homestead dam by a 90 mm pipe linked to a diesel driven pump.
- Water from Round dam was pumped to an elevated storage tank with a connected ring main. Water was chlorinated with sodium hypochlorite through a dosing pump at the exit from an elevated tank. At the time of the survey the system of chlorination was not running smoothly, partly due to staff turnover. As at 1990, water was bacteriologically satisfactory and water quality exceeded National Health and Medical Research Council (NH&MRC) guidelines.
Each house had one or two 7,000L rainwater tanks which generally supplied enough water for drinking needs. Rainwater tanks were not regularly maintained and there were no strainers to prevent inflow of potential pollutants. There were no records of disinfection of rainwater tanks or microbiological testing. Children and cattle had access to the catchment dams.
Until 1990 there had been constant problems with the sewerage and waste disposal system. Septic tank effluent discharged into the main sewer pipe leading to a system of 3 evaporation ponds.
- At times, up to 100 campers had no ablution facilities and used the surrounding bush or relatives' houses for water, toilets, shower and laundry.

It was thought that further developments of the water supply system were needed in order to maintain the integrity of the original proposal to move people from Cundelee.

1999

There were approximately 250 people living at Coonana. The population tends to rise between November and March because of cultural business. A survey recently found 18 uninhabited houses which were in a very run down condition.

The existing potable water supply was still sourced from four sizeable dams with local water catchment. There were still no groundwater sources, as water was too saline.

The supply of adequate quantities of potable water has been an ongoing problem. Water shortages still typically occurred in drought years where low rainfall resulted in little runoff into the water supply dams. 1998 was a low rainfall year. The water supply dams were low and water was carted from another station dam by a community prime mover and tanker. Before Cyclone Vance in 1999, the community had 30 days supply left. There is now enough supply for between 1-2 years.
Funding for 2000/2001 includes the installation of plumbing and a pumping system to pump water from Oak and Quick dams to Round dam. An upgrade of Quick dam is also scheduled during that time.
Sewerage lagoons are now in place and are fenced. Sewerage reticulation extensions were also completed as part of HIPP2. A survey in 1998 indicated that the ponds were full but had not yet overflowed. The boundary fence required repair at that stage.

YALATA

Situated on the South Australian coast at the top of the Great Australian Bight, Yalata is equipped with three large reverse osmosis water treatment (desalination) units. The water supply at Yalata represented the most technologically sophisticated of the case studies. The study found that the provision of elaborate technology and resultant treated water had not automatically contributed to improved quality of life or improved health. In fact, many of the people from Yalata were attempting to move back inland to communities where there were less adequate water supplies than at Yalata. The study demonstrated the dominance of technology over community choices. Many people complained they became sick from the treated supply and therefore preferred rainwater. This reliance led to social problems in times of low rainfall as they attempted to obtain water from other people's rainwater tanks. Rainwater tanks were predominantly located at houses, the majority of which were occupied by non-Aboriginal people, thus working against healthy relationships at Yalata.

1994

At the time of the Water Report there were 65 residential structures, including the Yalata road house area, and the four homelands. 22% of housing was unoccupied. Yalata staff (24% of whom were Aboriginal) accounted for 57% of the occupied houses. Non-Aboriginal people occupied 43% of the houses.

A desalinated water supply was produced by reverse osmosis at a rate of 20 L/min (29 kL/day). There were 2 backup plants. If these were harnessed they could provide an additional 40 L/min. Desalinated water was stored in 3 steel reservoirs and pumped to a 9,000L header tank for reticulation of water to the community. There was a dual reticulated supply at each house which made use of saline water to toilets. Desalinated water was used for washing, showering and cooking. To prevent wastage there were no taps outside the houses. The quality of the desalinated water was comparable to that of several major SA domestic supplies. The Total Dissolved Solids levels were about twice, and the sodium chloride level about three times that of Adelaide water. Many people did not think the water suitable for drinking (some people commented that it made them sick).

The facilities to collect rainwater at Yalata varied widely. Rainwater from roofs of all residences could have supplied 5-8 L/d. The total theoretical rainwater catchment was 1,961,000L. Inefficiencies meant that this potential could not be realised. A review of functional rainwater tanks showed that Yalata Community Council (YCC), Yalata Maralinga Health Service (YMHS) and education staff did well from rainwater tanks. Aboriginal people living in community houses did not fare nearly as well, with only 25% of these houses having functional rainwater tanks. Rainwater was the drinking water of choice however the store also sold quantities of bottled water at $2.30 per 1.5L bottle.
- The only easily accessible public taps for drinking water were at the school. Basin taps in the public toilets (an unhygienic solution) were the only other source of water. No other public taps were in Yalata.
A 100 gallon tanker carted water on Monday, Wednesday and Friday to people living around the community. It was filled from an overhead standpipe with desalinated water which most people preferred not to use. People commented that they did not like to have rainwater mixed with desalinated water in their tanks because it made their tanks taste salty.

1999

Yalata has administrative offices, a health centre, store, education facilities and a roadhouse. The population varies, but is now estimated at 350 (Department of State Aboriginal Affairs, DOSAA). In1999 there were 593 people on the Health Service Register (in 1994 there were 467).

There are 30 living units for community residents at Yalata plus 4 under construction and 3 more were planned for 1999. Six of these 30 units were reportedly unoccupied and three were derelict and beyond repair. It was estimated(17) that major works were required in many of the houses. For example, plumbing (13), major electrical (30); earth leakage (17); smoke detectors (30); asbestos (16).(18)

The health centre was connected to the town supply. Health centre staff reported that the major categories of illness remained the same. Also that the men's section of the clinic, and the toilet and showering facilities were unused, and shower heads broken. New washing facilities had also been recently constructed for children at the school.
DOSAA carry out the Project Management for essential services upgrades. Yalata has received considerable funding through ATSIC and DOSAA for upgrading and maintenance of water and sanitation since the Water Report was published. DOSAA fund an ESO who is permanently stationed in Yalata. Services provision falls under the 10 year State/ATSIC agreement for infrastructure. According to a number of verbal reports Yalata water supply is functioning well. The main source of problems appears to be within the houses themselves.
The community water supply is drawn from two bores (Tallowan 2 and Tallowan 3). Radio control systems were installed in 1996 to provide a fully automated pumping system. Bore water is pumped to six 145kL (each) reinforced concrete ground storage tanks. Potable water is produced by a reverse osmosis water treatment plant and stored in three 450kL (each) welded steel ground tanks and pumped to a 9kL header tank on a 15 metre tower.
- The three 450 kL water storage tanks had undergone repairs and maintenance during mid 1999. They had been cleaned and coated with an epoxy lining in 1999/00 to enhance their life expectancy. The rising main from the bores to the concrete storage tanks (six tanks) was replaced in 1996. Total water storage capacity was 2230kL (1360kL potable water and 870kL bore water).
Reticulation of the water throughout the community is via a dual underground PVC system to isolating valves at each consumer point. Generally potable water is supplied to all but the toilet cisterns and external garden watering standpipes within this community. There were still no taps outside any of the community houses. The estimated cost of desalinated water was $4.50 per kL.
The community's essential services (power, water and effluent disposal) are maintained by DOSAA. The health centre promotes the desalinated water as safe for drinking and advise the public to boil rainwater. The health centre reported that since July 1999 the South Australian Health Commission have tested the water every 2 weeks for microbiological contamination. They test the water at two sources - at the tank, and at the school.
- No individual water use is monitored in the community. The Essential Services Officer noted that a number of people still drink rainwater even though the town water supply is now of much better quality than it was when desalination was first introduced. More details were unavailable.
The sanitation system consists of discrete septic systems for individual dwellings. These overflow to a common, reticulated, gravity effluent drainage system. The effluent drains to a pond via one collection well and pumping station. Community buildings and public ablution blocks also connect to the reticulated common effluent system. Two earth banked effluent ponds and one large evaporation pan are used to treat and evaporate the effluent. The reticulation system and lagoons were constructed in approximately 1987 and are reported by DOSAA to be in good condition. However the ponds are scheduled to be moved further away from the community. The Effluent Pump Station was fully upgraded/replaced in 1998/99. The YMHS reported that septic tanks had not been pumped out for over three years and some systems were overflowing.
- The ESO also takes care of the sewerage system (not septic tanks). He has been in the community for a long time and is completely familiar with the work. Another local person is currently in training at the community's instigation, recognising the difficulties which would emerge if the current ESO left the community. The new trainee fills in for the ESO when he is on leave.
Yalata is one of 19 communities in South Australia for which DOSAA is responsible through a State/ATSIC bilateral agreement. In many cases DOSAA is responsible for both the design and construction of infrastructure and maintenance of systems. DOSAA's preference is to standardise infrastructure design and specification wherever possible. The NAHS/EHP delivery model requires DOSAA to negotiate its requirements with project managers, thus DOSAA does not have direct control over the types of systems which are installed or the types of materials used, yet they still may be obliged to maintain them (as in the case of Oak Valley).
- Standardisation can potentially lower costs and streamline training and skills transfer, however, it can also come at the expense of innovation and individual community needs may be easily overlooked.

In general there is a tension between stakeholders over the use of standardised centralised processes of service delivery (and the associated asset management responsibilities) and community based initiatives.

It appears that the community could benefit from improved communication between the various stakeholders who have interests in the living conditions and health of people in Yalata.

OAK VALLEY

The people of Oak Valley are a relatively mobile community group moving in the area north of the Trans-Australia Railway in South Australia. Many were people from Yalata moving back into their traditional lands. They had chosen a level of service that was very different to other locations. Having adopted a lifestyle in which they moved from place to place, they selected a water supply system which followed them (mobile tanker) or collected water while they were absent from the site (rainwater harvesting). The Oak Valley case study represented a solution generated in support of their lifestyle and required the application of standards, values and engineering skills relevant to that lifestyle. It presented many headaches for service providers who were set up to provide services premised on a sedentary lifestyle rather than for people who were mobile.

1994

In 1992 discussions were underway for construction of a store and some houses. There was a lack of sanitation, serviceable showers, water for washing or ablutions. Only highly saline water was available near Oak Valley. To the west, very small supplies of low salinity water were found beneath the depressions. There was thought to be limited prospect for developing moderate supplies in the area.

There was a continuing reliance on rock holes, soakages and vegetation for opportunistic water supply. There had been 7 rainwater harvesting shed tanks erected in the Oak Valley area, each of which had two 36,000L tanks. Water was carted to family trailer tankers from the shed tanks or from the supply at Watson Siding. Shed tanks are spread out over a wide area to catch rainfall resulting from isolated thunderstorms and to provide decentralised sources of water so people can camp at various locations in the surrounding lands (decentralised systems caused logistical problems). In 1989 the shed tanks supplied the total consumption needs of the community. Maximum use was not made of the rainfall. In 1990 five low-salinity bores were equipped with pumps, three with handpumps and two with solar pumps and tanks.

1999

The population in Oak valley still fluctuates. The population noted in the Oak Valley Army evaluation report was 90 people. People living in the community estimate that the population generally fluctuates between 80-220 people depending on the time of year and what is happening. Oak Valley is a place that people pass through on their way to Yalata. Structural improvements commenced in 1995. A shed tank had been built 1km north of the community. This was the most significant supply of water (70,000L when full) and others were in use to the west, along the Maralinga road. In March 1995 ATSIC Ceduna constructed a prefabricated steel ablution block which was later incorporated into the clinic.

In 1995 a comprehensive water survey and drilling program was undertaken by the then Department of Mines and Energy Resources, South Australia, at the request of the HIPP project manager.
- Ten bores were sunk. Only 2 yielded reasonable quantities of water but these were high in levels of minerals and salts. The drilling program was extended and in 1996. 3 potable water bores were located 28km to the west and were equipped with solar pumps and reticulated to a new 35kL tank located beneath an existing shed tank.
- In mid 1996 the Department of Mines and Energy Resources (DME) undertook an extensive geophysical survey of the region, and state money was used to grade tracks to make access to bores easier.
- Also in 1996, a specially designed tanker was purchased by the community. It was capable of carrying 27,000L of water in a single trip.
Oak Valley was part of HIPP Round 1 funding. The community received approximately $700,000 (excluding administration) for a power supply upgrade, repairs to the water truck, new bores/bore rig, bore equipping (and overhead tanks), a new water truck, potable water storage tanks and a power station upgrade. Review of performance indicators for HIPP1 indicated that:
- Total employment days on the project were 33 man days (but no local people expressed interest in the offer by the consultants to train people to assist with the water truck/tanker commissioning and initial use, or for general basic plumbing works). " No formal training of community members eventuated.
- Approximately 90 people benefited from the project.
- There were significant contributions made from other agencies (an additional $1.9m of funding was secured).
As part of the original HIPP program, a 250,000L tank was installed for central water storage for ablution water and 60,000L tank for drinking water (enough to last the community for 30 days). A reticulated system was installed with dual piping to each house and a significant community facility constructed.
- A roof was constructed over the central water storage (funded by ATSIC). The roof was graded to allow the installation of solar panels for hybrid power generation at a later date. For purposes of security the area is fully fenced. The enclosure also contained the community's power generation facility.
- Water was supplied periodically by an ESO who opened appropriate valves which were locked when the tanks were full. This meant that levels of use could be monitored and controlled.
Every new structure was fitted with a rainwater tank of at least 13,000L. The total community storage was approximately 680,000L. An approximate consumption of 70 L/p/d (including ablutions) would suggest the community could hold 90 days supply for a population of 100, for any given time when all tanks were full.(19)
The initial funding for HIPP was a catalyst for the development of an additional $1.9m of funding for housing and infrastructure over the same period. The HIPP Project Manager also oversaw these projects.
- This work included the Oak Valley Health Centre (YMHS), additional housing (ATSIC CHIP); essential infrastructure services (ATSIC State Grants); airstrip upgrade; flares and safety equipment; undergrounding of fuel tanks; dust and dog control; community house (ATSIC Ceduna); community store extensions; mechanics workshop; recreation hall; playground equipment (Maralinga Tjarutja); 2 community houses (SAHT/AHU); 2 teachers houses (DECS) and CDEP coordinator's house (SAHT).
The Oak Valley Community agreed to the involvement of the Army as part of the subsequent AACAP program in the Oak Valley Infrastructure Project at a meeting during May 1997.
- Stage 1 involved the refurbishment of the airstrip (as a temporary emergency measure), grading of roads (as a temporary repair), construction of a new rubbish tip and the erection of two shed tanks (1997); and a duplex for nurses' accommodation.
- Stage 2 involved rebuilding the airstrip, construction of roads, landscaping and tasks of opportunity (1998).
- Stage 3 involved the construction of three extra community houses and engaging a contractor through the South Australian Housing Trust (SAHT).
Prior to engaging SAHT to provide an additional 3 houses for the community the Army engaged a consultant to conduct a study into existing water resources within the community(20). The aim of the study was to determine water usage and resources within the community, and assess the impact of additional housing. The study noted
- Nine shed tanks at varying distances up to 110 km from Oak Valley. With roof catchment of 600sqm and a combined capacity of 50,000L which could be used as a standby source. It noted that annual rainfall was 2.7 times the available storage which could be lost to overflow if the system was not managed.
- Each building and house was equipped with two 5000L tanks and a total of 30 tanks in town providing a catchment of 150,000L. Annual rainfall was estimated at 6 times the storage capacity of each house however one of the two tanks at each house is dedicated to bore supply and its level is maintained to 80% by a float valve, so that the volume of rainwater storage at each house was effectively reduced to 5000L, plus the other space left at any time in the other tank. The two tanks were interconnected and rainwater ran into the bore water tank.

"Little use is made of the rainwater and the tanks are mostly kept full, roof catchment from useful rainfall in August is almost entirely lost to overflow". "The rainwater tank has one tap on a separate line from the rest of the house plumbing. The little use made of the available rainwater is apparently due to the position of the tap in the house, which is located under the sink in the kitchen and is inconvenient to reach".

"An attempt has been made to assess the current water consumption by Oak Valley community. The assessment is made difficult by the scarcity of records and by uncertainty regarding population numbers. The latter have been variably estimated between 60 and 100 people". The report concluded that the construction of 3 additional houses would have little or no impact on water consumption provided the population did not increase.

While the water supply infrastructure (including the water trucks) provided under HIPP was adequate to support the population in 1997, if properly managed, the situation was still very marginal during very dry periods. It was noted that any expansion of community housing would require rigorous management of existing water supply sources.
- Unfortunately, there was little evidence that Oak Valley was properly managing the water supply (as at the time of the Water Report). Successful drilling remained critical to significant expansion of the community.
Under the NAHS guidelines the Army was required to facilitate improved training and employment outcomes for the Oak Valley Community as an element of the delivery process. The Army deployed a training team to provide training to the community in environmental health, articulated truck driving and plant operation. The Army also provided health support to the Oak Valley Community during the construction phase through preventative medicine, dental and veterinarian deployments.
- Additional works requested by the community during the inception and subsequent meetings were modification to the taps on rainwater tanks on existing housing stock; construction of an Australian Rules football field; installation of lights in the children's play area; conversion of a hand operated bore pump to solar power; and installation of security lighting for the workshops, community store and the CDEP buildings.
ATSIC Ceduna noted in correspondence dated July 1999. "There is still a lack of water". Except for the rainwater at the houses, water is carted, especially during the dry, warmer months.
The sanitation system in the community relies on 40 pit latrines which have been constructed around the community (they have a life expectancy of 10 years). Due to water shortage no flush toilets had been installed.
Several other measures have also been taken to conserve water with varying degrees of success. Accessibility to drinking water within the house was restricted by putting drinking water taps inside the cupboard under the sink. Also, outside tank taps were placed low to the ground thereby reducing people's ability to place larger containers directly under them.
- These interventions, intended to conserve drinking water, have apparently increased usage of bore water and restricted rainwater use.
Development of centralised infrastructure at Oak Valley has resulted from an increased number of permanent residents and extensive community meetings. The Water Report noted the possibility of a decentralised approach to education and health care which would have been more in line with the traditional lifestyle people were pursuing at that time.
- It is not clear whether this change has resulted from the more extensive processes of consultation and planning with the community or whether people have recognised and attempted to resolve the balance between the centralising tendency of technology and the mobility of Indigenous people.
In September 1997 Oak Valley was added to the list of communities covered in the ATSIC/State Bilateral Agreement for maintenance of power, water and waste water treatment. Where agencies or organisations who design and implement capital projects are not the same as those who have responsibility for recurrent maintenance there is a need for greater communication and engagement. DOSAA have indicated their unhappiness with the slightly different design philosophy involved in HIPP systems, although project records indicate they did not respond to opportunities for comment. Consequences can include higher recurrent costs in the long-term.
At Oak valley utilities are fully subsidised. There are almost as many houses for non-Aboriginal staff as for community members at Oak Valley.

MPWERINGE - ARNAPIPE

This case study documented the activities of an Aboriginal association representing a group of families wishing to settle on a strip of land north of Alice Springs in the Northern Territory. The situation with regard to small excisions was different to those of Aboriginal people settled on large tracts of land. The study emphasised that Aboriginal rights might not be protected if the same mechanisms and processes were applied to achieve the provision of water and sanitation on these small stock route excisions as those applied to lands held under different Aboriginal land title.

The study argued that seen as a totality the minor delays and bureaucratic procedures added up to a significant interruption to the ability of Aboriginal people to pursue their economic and cultural development. The study considered current and potential outcomes resulting from a protracted negotiation process.

Negotiations for tenure had been stalled for some time. Government agencies were reluctant to provide basic infrastructure to people who did not have legal tenure. Residents generally lived in a "number of two room metal clad shelters with breezeways". Temporary tin shed structures had also been erected and a number of basic ablution facilities and pit latrines were in place. Portable generators and extension leads provided limited power. There were no other services.

1994

Water was in short supply. The Ingkerreke Resource Centre first started carting water to the area in 1985. Trucks were hired at $60-100/day. The cost of cartage was borne by stock route dwellers. The water quality was questionable since the drums in which the water was carted had internal rusting, residues from detergents and fuel. People were supplied with 14 L/p/d. Following the purchase of a new vehicle this figure increased to 20 L/p/d.

In the period 1986-1989 four thousand eight hundred 200L drums were lifted on and off trucks. 1 ML of water was carted to 6 outstations for a population of 38-45 people. The actual cost of water was estimated to be between 22 and 120 times the cost of town water. This indicated the level of commitment that people had to living on the outstations.

The Water Report calculated that the actual cost of water was more like 237 times the cost of town water or $4.23 per 200L drum of water. Ingkerreke established that people could live comfortably with 200 L/p/d. A number of relatively successful bores had recently been drilled but most areas were found to be unsuitable.

The sanitation 'system' consisted of dry latrines. Ablution and laundry facilities were very basic and fed directly into a surface leach drain. When Ingkerreke acquired the new truck in 1987, overhead tanks supplying showers at two outstations were filled for the first time.

1999

There are currently 115 people resident in 18 houses and 17 sheds located in 7 small outstations. Populations vary considerably and there is a lot of movement between the outstations and Alice Springs.

Black Tank
There were 4 regular inhabitants living in two brick houses and 2 tin sheds. They have a fairly reliable bore. The water quality was reported to be quite good. Water is rarely carted now. The pump has only had problems twice in the past 2 years. The two houses have reticulated water and in-house plumbing. Ingkerreke are about to shift one of the tanks closer to the house since the house is highset and the tank is below the level of the house. This outstation is very well set up with solar payphone, street lighting, air conditioners on one house, a radio tower, and a solar/diesel hybrid power supply.
Burt Creek
Approximately 25 people live in 5 tin sheds and one new house. The group interviewed has moved to three different sites during the past 10 years due to sorry business. The water quality was reported to be "as good as rainwater" and is potable, but the quantity is very low. Ingkerreke Outstation Resource Service reported Burt Creek had received about six 6000L loads of carted water in the last 12 months. The new house has reticulated water and the sheds have standpipes outside each dwelling. Water is carted very occasionally if a lot of people visit. People commented that they were happy with the outside ablution blocks and pit latrines. The community access 240 volt power from a solar/diesel hybrid system.
Sandy Bore
There are an average of 20 people living all the time in 5 houses with reticulated water, and 2 tin sheds. The outstation has 2 bores which produce a good volume of water. Concerning the first bore, Ingkerreke commented that "the water is not too bad, not flash, but they drink it" and that it "doesn't taste good but it doesn't make people sick". The second bore produced water which is brackish and high in nitrates (not suitable for drinking). A new, elevated tank stand is being constructed close to the houses to provide increased water pressure so that the solar hot water heaters which have been installed for some time, can be used. Each house has a flush toilet connected to a septic system. There are also three pit latrines in the community which are still in use. The septic systems required pumping at the time of the survey. The community has a wind/solar/diesel generator and 'street' illumination. The outstation has no phone. They used to have a radio but "someone took it away to repair it and never brought it back".
Harry Creek
(West and East) Approximately 25-30 people live at the outstation all the time. The outstation is comparatively large with a variety of dwellings of various standards. There are 4 three-bedroom brick houses, one two-bedroom house and 3 tin sheds. Harry Creek has very little water.
- Water to Harry Creek West is at the present reticulated from the other side of the highway from an old roads bore. They have secured funding for drilling for additional water within a 5-10km radius. If suitable water is found then a dual supply is being considered. Because of the sacredness of the area there is no digging permitted so the pipe may have to be laid above ground and covered if a source is located. However residents commented that "This isn't a good area for finding water". Four new rainwater tanks are to be installed, and 2 dwellings will be modified to fit facia and guttering. Harry Creek West has a solar/diesel hybrid power supply and a public phone.
- Harry Creek East is situated in the railway corridor some distance from the bore that also supplies Harry Creek West. There are 3 tin houses in the railway corridor and a house. There has been talk about shifting these to another area. There are tapstands outside the tin sheds.
Yambah (Snake well)
Approximately 18 people are resident in two 3 bedroom houses and 2 tin sheds. This group is still waiting on legal tenure. Service provision has slowed because of this.

The bore produces a reasonably good supply for the number of people who live there. However the water is high in nitrates and it is said to be not good for drinking. People drink rainwater or carted water. When the tanks become low water is carted from the bore to tanks near the houses. In the last 12 months they have received carted water about 6 times. (6000L each time). Residents currently do not pay for water.
Gillen Bore
There are approximately 8 regular residents. The population fluctuates and "there could be up to 30 people out the back". There are 3 brick houses (one 4 bedroom, one 3 bedroom and one 2 bedroom) and no tin sheds.

The outstation has a reverse osmosis (RO) unit which has been in operation for the past five years. Detailed records of its functioning were not available at the time of the study. One local company reported that it had been asked to repair the system 2-3 times during the past three years due to systems failure. There is no established routine cyclical maintenance program. During the first CAT visit during October 1999 the system was working well. At the time of the second visit in August 2000 the system was not functioning. The outstation is sometimes occupied and sometimes not. At the time of the first visit people on site seemed unaware of the workings of the water system, they thought that they were drinking rainwater. The RO system was functioning at the time. Outside ablution blocks and pit latrines are used on the outstation.
Mpweringe-Arnapipe in general
The outstations are all serviced by the Ingkerreke Outstation Resource Centre. The community has received a lot of assistance with water supply, sanitation and housing since the time of the Water Report. All families except Yambah now have legal title to land. Wherever possible water has been reticulated inside houses and tin sheds have stand pipes outside. Bringing water as close as possible seems to have been a primary focus. The amount of water carting to the outstations has decreased dramatically.

A grant of $700,000 was approved by ATSIC for upgrades and installation of power and water infrastructure and hardware during 2 years from 1999-2000. As of September 1999 funding had not been received.

It seems that the land which has been granted has very limited supplies of ground water. Because only stock route tenure has been granted, commercial ventures relating to land-use or which require significant portions of land or quantities of water, cannot be explored. People appear to rely on proximity to town and government support to make their lifestyle viable.
- Despite this, people now seem to have a stronger sense of place since land titles were granted and infrastructure improved. Due to better infrastructure more people are now moving back to the outstations. It was reported by Ingkerreke, however, that this is putting more pressure on existing infrastructure in some cases.

The resident population seems to have increased but some people are still reluctant to live in the area permanently because there are no basic services such as schools, health services, recreational facilities, a store or an air strip available on site.

Children take a daily school bus to Alice Springs and Central Australian Congress do a weekly medical run to the area. A DEETYA funded on-site primary health care training program is being organised by Ingkerreke.
Although people are much better established and catered for there may have been very little overall, systematic development planning either for the present or the future. Development has generally taken place in response to availability of one-off grants. No study has attempted to determine the maximum number of houses that each outstation can sustain given the available water supplies.

A recent IHANT survey for the entire area serviced by Ingkerreke ascertained that water supplies were inadequate in both quantity and quality. The IHANT team estimated that $800,000 would be required for water supply upgrades and $100,000 for septic tank upgrades.

DARETON

The study presented the effects of a large infrastructure program on the social and organisational capacity of the community. The Water Report questioned the expectation that voluntary people can coordinate all the inputs for a million dollar project without technical assistance. The ability of Aboriginal people to maximise their control and involvement in these circumstances was critical to the ongoing success or sustainability of the investment in infrastructure. The study indicated little planning for long-term sustainability in this type of 'catch up' infrastructure program.

1994

Dareton's water supply was drawn from the Murray River and was chlorinated. There was no water treatment so the physical and chemical quality of the water was the same as river water. In Dareton turbidity was often high, at 20-150 Nephelometic Turbidity Units (NTUs). Rainwater was used for water for cooking and drinking. People complained about the build up of mud and sediment in hot water services.

The raw water supply to Namatjira Avenue and the Reserve was an extension of the Dareton town supply. There were rainwater tanks in houses at Namatjira Avenue but not at the shelters constructed by the people on the Reserve. Houses were not metered separately so household consumption was not recorded. The water pressure at Namatjira community was high.

At Old Merrinee, people had been camping for 10 years without water supply, solid and liquid waste disposal, or electricity supply, which had been partly due to uncertainty of land tenure.

Most dwellings had their own water tanks, and some residents had attempted to link roof-runoff to their water tanks. Two large tanks were filled from the nearby irrigation channel for 7 months of the year, and at other times the community organised water to be carted from some kilometres away, but this water was not of drinking quality.

In 1950 many families moved to an area east of the Reserve at Namatjira known as New Merrinee. In 1993 there was no connection to the Dareton water supply, and no other services of any kind were provided at New Merrinee. New Merrinee had no sewage disposal facilities other than a few pit toilets made by the community people themselves.

Dareton had a deep sewerage system which appeared to be working well for all residents. A gravity sewerage system was commissioned for Namatjira community in 1990.

There appeared to have been little community consultation about water and sanitation upgrades or community education. The sewerage system was constructed by the Shire and completely paid for by ATSIC. Despite this, Namatjira sewerage rates were higher than for Dareton and needed to be reviewed.

1999

The 1996 HIPP/AEHIP Infrastructure survey indicated a population of 254 at Namatjira with 91% of households having lived there for at least a year, and 87% for 5 years. The unemployment rate was 46% male and 14% female, and the workforce participation rate was 73% male and 25% female.

In Dareton itself, water supply is no longer considered a problem. New Merrinee now has a dual reticulated supply to the new houses, with filtered water from the Silver City Highway mains and unfiltered water from the old system. Filtered water is used inside houses and unfiltered outside and for flushing of toilets. The tin sheds are being gradually replaced, and people living in tin sheds use filtered water from standpipes.

For various reasons, the filtered main was layed adjacent to the northern boundary of the road reserve and the Shire Council did not supply filtered water to Namatjira. Although the Tripartite Program (TRIP) built a further 3 houses in Namatjira, a filtered water ring main, constructed as part of the project, serviced only these 3 of the 30 existing houses.

There have been ongoing disagreements with Wentworth Shire. In February 1999 there were high levels of blue-green algal blooms in the water supply, and the water was unfit for contact and drinking. After some interventions the Shire installed a filtered water hydrant at the community. The community still uses the hydrant for drinking water.

The Namatjira Working Party have now been granted $135,000 through the Aboriginal Community Development Program (ACDP) for potable water to the unserviced houses. During the latter part of 1999 the filtered water main was due to be laid to all existing houses.

Namatjira and New Merrinee currently have bulk water supply meters. After the completion of the ACDP water project all houses will have individual water meters permitting monitoring of excess usage. The majority of houses at all sites are now connected to a gravity sewerage system. Some houses at New Merrinee are still using pit latrines but this will change when the new houses are completed.

Other projects
Dareton was one of the 3 project communities to receive funding through the Environmental Health Infrastructure Forum (AEHIF), which was formed in 1996. The AEHIF project was a pilot for interagency cooperation. Dareton was allocated $1m towards projects which the community identified. An 18 weeks clean up of Namatjira was funded using CDEP participants. 140 car bodies were collected, and then picked up by a recycling company. Now there is a crew of 6 CDEP workers under full time supervision to collect rubbish and remove bins, and this has made a big difference to the amount of rubbish around the community.
The HIPP budget was $3.4m. The amount of available funding has now grown to about $6.5m (including administration fees).
- The current budget includes an allocation for the construction of 15 houses at New Merrinee (under construction), and ACDP has given funding for another 5, bringing the total to 20 new houses (which meet the priorities of the Namatjira Working Party). Complete management of housing stock was due to be taken over by the Murdi Paaki Regional Housing Corporation in August 1999.
- Other developments have also taken place in the area. For example, Namatjira now has a sports oval and basketball courts. Also included was funding through ACDP for defect inspections for all houses and a follow up study through the Department of Urban Affairs and Planning.
Approximately $600,000 was allocated by the Department of Employment Workplace Relations and Small Business (DEWRSB) as a wage subsidy and the NSW Department of Education contributed to the cost of four full time TAFE trainers. These trainers are supervised by a community-based training provider, MADEC which is based in Mildura.
- There are currently 20 apprentices remaining out of the 25 who started at the beginning of the course. Half of the trainees' wages are paid through the CDEP and half through DEWRSB.
- Training is delivered on site so that people do not have to travel.
- In Dareton the training program is reported to be working very well except for usual challenges.
- Trainees are engaged in carpentry, bricklaying, and other activities including landscaping, revegetation and construction of sport facilities.
- They built the depot for works at the beginning of the project, planted a vegetable garden and landscaped the works compound.
In summary, water supply and sanitation services have been greatly improved due to major infrastructure projects undertaken in the area and a high degree of community and intersectoral input through the Namatjira Working Party. This Working Party is part of a broader, regional working party initiative, which falls under an ATSIC Regional Council/State Government agreement.

The Murdi Paaki ATSIC Regional Council have been described as "visionary and creative" and their initiatives may be unique in the Australian context. They have a Regional Agreement with State Government for the funding of infrastructure and housing, and they negotiate with Government agencies using this agreement. The Murdi Paaki Housing and Infrastructure Regional Agreement is a high level agreement made between the Regional Council and the NSW Government in 1996. It is a joint agreement for delivery of housing and environmental health infrastructure services to all Aboriginal communities in the Region.

"A Regional Council initiative, the Agreement integrates ATSIC, State, Local Government and other relevant agencies in a partnership approach to the delivery of these services." The regional agreement "brings participation to the grass-roots level, making significant steps towards achieving self-determination, self management and self sufficiency."(21)

The approach used has been to engage a single project manager for each community so that all projects within the community are integrated according to a comprehensive Community Housing and Environmental Health Plan. There are currently 12 projects funded in the Murdi Paaki Region through HIPP, ACDP, AHO, and NAHS.

The Regional Council has also set up a Regional Environmental Health Steering Committee, the Murdi Paaki Regional Housing Corporation and a Working Party Structure across the Murdi Paaki Region. The Namatjira Working Party in Dareton is a part of this structure and the extensive works undertaken in and around Dareton during the past 4 years come largely as a result of its activities. Improvement has not been limited to housing and infrastructure but subject to Working Party vision, extends to social and cultural initiatives.
- An outcome from the Murdi Paaki Housing and Infrastructure Regional Agreement has been that the Regional Council has drawn $70m to the region over the last 3 years.
- Another outcome has been that the Community Working Party approach has combined a whole of community with a whole of government approach.
- The Community Working Party may have decreased factionalism partly by drawing together youth and leaders.
The Regional Council has established the Murdi Paaki Housing Corporation to manage community housing stock which housing Associations volunteer to hand over to the Corporation for a period of 5 years. They have also purchased a number of other houses from liquidated stock.
- In August 1999 they were managing 500 houses in the region and collecting 96% of rents.
The Regional Council, with community support, is moving away from the usual application approach to funding, which is thought to have resulted in uncoordinated community development.
- Through the Regional Agreement, holistic community plans, and strong Community Working Group input there has been some success with funding and management arrangements, including a move away from single year funding to integrated, longer-term, planned approaches based on demonstrated need.

TINGHA

Near Inverell in the Northern Tablelands of New South Wales, Tingha is not an Aboriginal community but a small town with a significant Aboriginal population within and around it. The study examined the type of consultation process and decisions taken by engineers and state and local government officers in planning a water supply network. The study demonstrated a local water supply strategy and looked at the ability of residents to pay for and cope with an improved level of service as proposed in documentation of the impending town water supply pipeline from Copeton Dam.

1994

In 1994 28 houses were occupied by Aboriginal people, dispersed throughout the residential area. Of the 28 households visited by the Water Report survey team, 6 houses needed major structural repairs. Occupants during the survey numbered 184, with a housing occupancy rate of around 6.4 (with 2-15 people per household). Some people lived in temporary shelters and structures further out of town.

At that time Tingha was the largest town in NSW without a water supply. When supplies of rainwater were scarce people purchased or carted water in their own drums from various sources around town. People had a well-defined water strategy although the quality was sometimes in question. Water was recycled, and was used for washing people, clothes and then to flush the toilet. Washing and personal hygiene was said to be inhibited by lack of water. Children could shower at school.

There was no attempt to identify the quality of the water that was being used by the residents (rainwater or carted water). The quality of this water was questionable. Water from old mining cuts was often polluted with bi-products of the mining process (such as arsenic). Maintenance practices on tanks and guttering were minimal.

When residents had to pay for carted water they paid approximately $50 per kL and used about 100 litres per person per day. Findings indicated that of the 28 houses surveyed, 4 houses were out of water; 13 households showered less because of restrictions, 8 took showers at the caravan park, 16 either carted water or brought it from a carrier, 9 mixed carted water with rainwater, 5 never ran out of water, and 2 refused to cart water.

Sanitation was identified as a problem, 11 houses with septic systems had problems with toilets. Toilets were flushed using left over water. There were also problems with toilets in times of heavy rain, when the soil did not absorb the water from the leach drains and the drains were seen to overflow and saturate the surrounding ground.

1999

In 1999 the population of Tingha was 730, 25% of whom were Aboriginal (approximately 183 people). The housing occupancy rate was 6-7 people per house, with some houses shared by 2 families. It had slightly increased since 1994.

When surveyed in 1997 housing was found to be of two types. Older style cottages up to 45 years old, and modern brick veneer houses less than 2 years old. In some cases local people complained of the standard of construction of some of the newer dwellings and commented that they felt they were given too little choice in the selection of a builder. Overcrowding was still a problem in the older houses and unhygienic conditions were found to exist in kitchens and bathroom areas. The 1997 Works Australia survey suggested that additional housing was a priority. Repairs and maintenance were also required in many houses.
A reticulated town water supply was installed in 1996. To make the system affordable a 150mm trunk main was installed between Inverell and the storage reservoir for Tingha. The line is 27kms long. The properties in the inner part of Tingha now have an 'instantaneous flow system' which provides normal water pressure and volume. All other consumers connected to the system have a 'constant flow system'. This means that each house has a rainwater tank which is also connected to the reticulated supply. When supplies of rainwater are low each household can top-up their tank by turning on a valve. Water is delivered over time at a low volume. A basic water rate is payable plus another fee for volume used. Water quality was described as 'generally satisfactory' and is checked monthly.
The initial visit report for NAHS undertaken by Works Australia in 1997 indicated the community had no common sewerage system and relied on 3 different solutions. Most of the town relied on septic tanks and absorption trenches for sewage disposal. However, the sandy soil and rock substrate are inherently unsuitable for septic systems and sewage overflows and seepage were common.
- The problems had worsened since town water was connected. Surcharging of septic systems is almost continual. Aboriginal households were particularly affected due to overcrowding.
- The shire council has been working on matters relating to the installation of a new system for the past 3 years.
There were 2 systems of the transpiration type, with one already at capacity and there was some seepage into the local creek. The other, at the hospital also included an irrigation system. 40 houses in Tingha were served by the Council pan service (including some Tingha Aboriginal Corporation houses).
In 1999 there were approximately 25 houses occupied by Aboriginal people. Other houses had been demolished or were too damaged to live in. Anecdotal information confirmed that people were happy with their water system but also suggested that most people still prefer to drink rainwater.
- There had been continuing problems with effluent disposal from a total of 25 septic tanks in Tingha (around 10% of households). In general the problem related to house lots of less than the recommended 1000 cubic metre minimum area located in the village.
Even though the sewerage system is a problem at present, work on a new system was scheduled to begin during 1999. The sanitation project has then been 3 years in development, and it has reportedly been difficult to secure funding.
- The Tingha Sewerage Scheme will be jointly funded as follows: 66% from the DLWC, 25% from ATSIC, and 9% from DAA/ACDP. ATSIC has approved a 100% grant to include connection of Aboriginal Houses to the common effluent system.

DOOMADGEE

A Deed of Grant of Land in Trust (DOGIT) community in the Queensland gulf country north of Mt Isa, Doomadgee was the largest community studied. It had experienced a high degree of social trauma in the past. The study examined the anomalies of a policy of Aboriginal control and self management when used among a large population base. The level of service and support required to maintain water and sanitation infrastructure in a community of this size was shown to work directly against goals of Aboriginal self-determination and self-management. Increasing amounts of community budgets were devoted to maintaining higher levels of service with subsequent loss in other areas of community activity.

1994

In 1988 there were 155 houses and 4 tin shacks in Doomadgee. 120 houses were considered habitable and 12 unfit for living. The housing occupancy rate was 6.4 officially and 9.4 per household by CAT survey calculations. Four outstations were resourced in the Nicholson area.

Water was pumped from the Nicholson river at an outlet located upstream, and adjacent to the airport. A second inlet from a weir on the river was 700 metres downstream of the settlement. Water was drawn from natural waterholes by means of a screened intake across the main river channel at the base of the river sands. The intakes were connected to reinforced concrete pump wells on the northern bank of the river from where water was pumped to the township. At the township the raw water was aerated, clarified and chlorinated and then pumped into a 2ML capacity ground level storage tank. The water was then pumped into a 275kL capacity elevated tank. At the time of the first Water Report survey a weir had been proposed. The council had adopted a policy to fit rainwater tanks to each house. Water quality tests showed high levels of manganese and iron.

A common effluent system was constructed in 1991. Household liquid wastes were disposed of into individual septic tanks and there was some concern that septic effluent may seep into the water storage.

1999

The population in 1999 is estimated at approximately 1200 people. There were 138 habitable houses in 1997/98. Of a total 117 houses at June 1999, there were 87 in good condition, 20 requiring major renovation, and 10 requiring demolition. There was an estimated housing need of 30 new houses. There is still little or no maintenance of health hardware inside the houses. The Council proposes to continue developing community housing on the outstations using other funding sources.

The weir was constructed in 1992. The water supply is reported to be working well and is overseen by an Essential Services Officer, a Council employee, who was appointed in 1993.
- Water quality is tested monthly. Water is pumped from the weir through a filtration plant to a 50,000L tank. A duplicate water treatment plant is being installed in 1999 by DATSIPAD at a cost of approximately $680,000. The weir is not fenced. Although the current system is operating well the disposal of stormwater is still a problem which needs to be addressed.
- Storm water discharges directly into the weir from which the town draws its water. Effective litter traps and a management program for them should be considered. Stormwater traps were reported to be blocked by rubbish. The ESO commented that stormwater erosion of the river bank had escalated during the past year and was approaching the rising main and the underground power supply.
- The weir was silting up with dirt as anticipated, however this did not appear to affect the water quality because the intakes are approximately 5 metres below the river sand level. However, water filtration systems have to work harder as a result of the high silt content.
- The ESO had been operating and maintaining the system for 6 years. He had no local counterpart. A new system was about to be installed so that the system can be monitored remotely. This method will work by means of phone and computer. The system relies on one person to run and maintain it.
There were no water meters to individual houses in Doomadgee. No-one in Doomadgee pays for water. Water usage was estimated by the ESO as approximately 1.2mL per day. (1000l/p/d)
The community sewerage system is reported to be working well. The system design eliminated grease traps and was reported to have been operating well without them. The system is Council maintained.
It was noted that many people cannot afford electricity.
Scheduled projects included
- Under NAHS-EHP of ATSIC for 1998/99, $6.6m was allocated for provision of additional housing, renovations and some supporting infrastructure.
- DPW&H were to provide 8 houses in 1997/98 worth $0.7m, with 3 on outstations.
- DATSIPAD are providing a duplicating water treatment plant and remedial works valued at $680,000.
The water supply and sanitation systems were much improved since the 1994 Water Report. Although the systems were functioning well there were some points of concern.
- There was no-one else within the community who has the technical expertise to manage the systems, and if the current ESO leaves there could be problems with continuity and standard of service.
Individual household use was not monitored. The systems being introduced were fully subsidised, no-one pays for water, sewerage or electricity, and it is questionable whether many households could afford to do so.
Housing survey figures indicate that the number of habitable houses has dropped(22). Rental collection and housing maintenance and management appears to be an ongoing problem.
- It is questionable whether continuing to construct new houses and repair old ones will improve the situation in the long-term unless the underlying causes of housing deterioration and lack of maintenance and management are addressed.

BOIGU ISLAND

This 'mud' island is only 4km from Papua New Guinea (PNG). The case study demonstrated the different culture of Islanders and their need for separate consideration in technical decisions, particularly where people have very little land available for settlement and where their foreshores are subject to tidal surge and inundation by salt water. A lack of water supply options, combined with technical responses which dismissed rainwater as a real option, limited the development options for Boigu.

1994

The primary water storage facilities were three excavated earth storage tanks (only two were in use). Tank #1 and tank #3 were filled by runoff from the north of the airstrip and school area, and some of the adjoining land. The system storage also included a 90kL elevated storage tank and an old twin 9kL ground level tank (18kL). Additional water was stored in individual household tanks (total additional 112 kL). Overall storage capacity was therefore 220kL.

The supply design was based on supply level a minimum of 250L/p/d irrespective of a wet or dry year and a desirable level of 500 L/p/d. There was no monitoring of water use. Given the population of 330 and the total volume of water consumed each day it was estimated that 180L/p/d was used. It was estimated that if consumption increased from 180-250L/p/d then tank #2 would need to be bought into action and 70% of the airstrip used as catchment rather than 40%.

Water disinfection was by means of a solution prepared from calcium hypochlorite powder which was dispensed into the discharge main in quantities that were supposed to match the actual volume of water being pumped. The community indicated that the chlorinator had only worked for 2 weeks since it was installed in late 1987. Despite the closeness of living and storage areas water quality had not been tested this was attributed to logistical problems related to remoteness. There was still a heavy preference for household rainwater for drinking and cooking purposes.

One problem identified with the system was that the two sets of pumps (one solar driven, the other diesel driven) had a number of controls attached that tended to malfunction.

For sewage disposal the majority of homes used pans. Sewage was disposed of between tides on the beaches. The new school had septic tanks which were discharged into a holding tank. Effluent was pumped into absorption trenches west of the village. All houses were planned to have flush toilets with septic tanks. It was anticipated that the subsequent increased water demand would create some pressure on the current water resource size and reliability.

1999

In 1999 the population of Boigu was 340 people. 1997 was the driest year on record due to the combination of a very poor rainfall and population increase. The water supplies on Boigu, Kubin, St Pauls and Murray Islands all failed and other islands experienced significant shortages. Island Councils and DNR organised and funded transportation of water by barge to these communities.

During 1998 GHD compiled the Planning Reports for Boigu on water supply, sanitation and solid waste disposal. The work on the water supply augmentation is now underway (as part of Stage 2 Torres Strait Water Upgrade) and was due for completion by Christmas 1999. A new storage dam was under construction, that is, Lagoon #3 was being enlarged to 20ML (6 months supply), lined and covered. During construction the community was getting by with an open storage system
A $340,000 desalination plant was approved and was scheduled for installation during 1999. The desalination plant will be able to produce 180 kL/day. Water will be drawn from the sea by a submersible pump hung from the end of the pier. Desalinated water will be pumped into the covered storage dam. The total system was estimated to cost $2.8 million.
- The desalination plant will be used when the top 3 or 4ML of water has been used out of the excavated tank. The plant will then be operated for 2-3 months. If this system is followed and the plant breaks down there should still be close to 12ML of storage (or 4 months supply) at any time. Residues from the desalination plant will either go back out to the creek on the other side of the island, east of the airstrip, or out to the sea.
- Options were still under consideration. The desalination facility manager will possibly be a DNR employee, based within the proposed Facilities Management Unit on Thursday Island or alternatively a contractor will maintain the plant for the first 2 years from completion of works.
- The plant will be designed and installed to make sure that no one needs to be there to operate it all the time. The system will be controlled and monitored remotely by DNR from Thursday Island and the plant manufacturer. A weekly inspection would be required and basic daily checks undertaken. The machinery can be serviced on a monthly basis. This frequency of servicing falls within the life of the chemicals to be used.
A desalination plant had been in operation on Yam Island for 4 years. This was the sole source of water on the island. It was run by local Water Officers with support from DNR Technical staff. The unit generally produced the required volumes, however quality has been variable. DNR believe that the new system at Boigu will benefit from the lessons learnt on Yam.
Boigu Island's sewage disposal system remains very much as it was. Government houses now comprise 10% of the community (these are for teachers and other government staff). These houses have septic systems with absorption trenches however they have proven to be problematic, especially during the wet season.
- Other community houses still have the pan system. Pans are still being emptied on the beach. Much of the sewage is washed back up on the shore due to the nature of prevailing currents in the area.
Construction was scheduled to start on the sewerage system in Boigu in 2000 as part of the Torres Strait Major Infrastructure Program, and be completed by June 2000.
- A full reticulated system with a central pumping station directed to primary and secondary sewerage lagoons was the option recommended by the Project Manager however, there were.
- immediate financial constraints" and competing priorities for Major Infrastructure Program funding. " Treatment ponds are claimed to be easier to manage, maintain and have lower operating costs than a package treatment plant, however they represent a higher capital investment. It was estimated that the treatment pond option would cost approximately $6m due to the amount of swamp land reclamation that would be necessary.
- The package treatment plant option is estimated at $2.4m. Although the package treatment plants are more viable in terms of initial capital outlay, should be noted that the plants being considered may not have been used

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REVIEW OF THE 1994 WATER REPORT (2001)

REVIEW OF THE 1994 WATER REPORT

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

FOREWORD

INTRODUCTION

Indigenous Settlement

Factors in Settlement Formation

Chapter One

The 1994 Water Report

Water Report Recommendations

The 1994 Case Study Communities

Punmu

Coonana

Yalata

Oak Valley/Maralinga

Mpweringe-Arnapipe

Dareton

Tingha

Doomadgee

The Torres Strait

Boigu Island

Coconut Island

Chapter Two

Developments since the Water Report

Chapter Three

Findings in the Ten Case Study Communities

PUNMU

1994

1999

COONANA

1994

1999

YALATA

1994

1999

OAK VALLEY

1994

1999

MPWERINGE - ARNAPIPE

1994

1999

DARETON

1994

1999

TINGHA

1994

1999

DOOMADGEE

1994

1999

BOIGU ISLAND

1994

1999