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Developments in discrimination jurisprudence and paid maternity leave: Sally Moyle (2003)

Sex Discrimination

Developments in discrimination jurisprudence
and paid maternity leave

Sally Moyle, Director Sex Discrimination
Unit, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission

45 minute speech, 23 July 2003,
Lexis Nexis Butterworths: Avoiding Litigation and Minimising Risk in Employment
Law, Crown Plaza Darling Harbour, Sydney NSW 2000

  • Thank you for inviting me to address
    today's conference.
  • I have been asked to discuss the
    latest legal developments in the area of sex discrimination including the
    latest developments in maternity leave.
  • As the Director of the Sex Discrimination
    Unit I work with the Sex Discrimination Commissioner, Pru Goward, in her policy
    and advocacy work.
  • One of the objects of the Sex
    Discrimination Act 1984
    is to promote the notion of equality between men
    and women. To do this we are tasked to undertake research, produce publications
    and voluntary guidelines and engage the public agenda.
  • The Commission and the Commissioner
    also have the ability to seek leave of courts to intervene in court cases
    that deal with important issues of discrimination and equality. We are able
    to appear as either a party to litigation or as amicus curiae.
  • It is important that the Commission
    continues to intervene in cases involving the Sex Discrimination Act
    and that the Sex Discrimination Commissioner continues to seek opportunities
    to be amicus curiae. We see the development of comprehensive case law
    as vital to the acceptance of human rights and equal opportunity in Australia.
  • Interestingly, for such a slim
    piece of law, the Sex Discrimination Act is surprisingly complex and
    obscure. There are gaps in our understanding of the limits of operation of
    the law, and the jurisdictional framework can only be described as a jigsaw,
    patching together bits of federal jurisdiction form various heads of power
    under the Constitution.
  • It will be to the benefit of us
    all, and particularly of workplace participants, to have some jurisprudence
    developed to make the limits of the law clear.
  • I refer to workplace participants.
    This is an important area of work for the Sex Discrimination Unit. This is
    because 85 per cent of the complaints received under the Sex Discrimination
    Act
    in 2001/02 were in the area of employment. It is obviously the major
    focus of concern of complainants under our Act, and therefore it is of major
    concern in our policy and advocacy work.
  • Today I would like to discuss
    some of our legal work under the Sex Discrimination Act and also discuss
    some of the policy and advocacy work we do.
  • It is encouraging to note the
    inclusion of paid maternity leave as an issue in a discussion of discrimination.
  • Being proactive to eliminate discrimination
    is obviously important for managing risk and avoiding litigation. But it is
    also increasingly being recognised that managing diversity, promoting equity
    and eliminating a culture of harassment and discrimination are good management
    practices and important for productivity and the bottom line. Providing family
    friendly policies and practices such as paid maternity leave is part of this.
  • I would even go further, however,
    and argue that a failure to do so is a form of gender discrimination. It is
    a context for considering work and family work that should be recognised more
    often.
  • Public debate has primarily placed
    paid maternity leave in this work and family context - and rightly so.
  • In adopting this approach it is
    however easy to forget that the failure to provide women in Australia with
    paid maternity leave is also part of the big picture workplace discrimination
    that women experience as a result of their childbearing and child caring role.
    I will discuss some of these issues as we go.
  • In 2001/02 over one third of the
    complaints received by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission under
    the Sex Discrimination Act related to pregnancy discrimination and discrimination
    on the ground of family responsibility.[1] Another
    third or so are sexual harassment - that perennial concern. Most of the rest
    of the complaints are sex discrimination complaints - and many of these are
    indirect sex discrimination that involve "motherhood' issues. Clearly most
    of most of the complaints under our act relate to women's reproductive role.
  • So it appears that women in Australia
    continue to experience this form of discrimination in the workplace at an
    alarming rate - remembering that these statistics only reflect the number
    of incidents actually complained about.[2]
  • Just looking at pregnancy discrimination
    complaints - obviously an issue concerning women's reproductive role - there
    has been a remarkable increase in the number of complaints of pregnancy discrimination
    received from the previous year, being 2000-01.
  • In 2000-01, 86 of the 552 complaints
    received under the Sex Discrimination Act, or 16 per cent, related to pregnancy
    discrimination.[3]
  • In 2001-02 complaints of pregnancy
    discrimination made up 212 of the 707 complaints received, or 30 per cent.[4]
  • This is an almost 150 per cent
    increase in numbers and a proportional increase of nearly 100 per cent!
  • While this increase may be indicative
    of greater awareness around the issue of pregnancy based discrimination since
    the Federal Sex Discrimination Commissioner, Pru Goward, launched a paper
    outlining a proposal for a national scheme of paid maternity leave last year,
    this does not deny that this discrimination is occurring and needs to be addressed.
  • To understand this discrimination,
    we need to consider the gender assumptions upon which this discrimination
    is based.
  • First is the assumption that as
    women are the bearers of children they should be responsible for the caring
    and raising of children.
  • Alongside this is the assumption
    that men will be the 'breadwinners' providing families with their financial
    means.
  • Social and economic factors have
    combined to see women more present in the paid workforce, and therefore challenging
    these assumptions.
  • Unfortunately what is has often
    meant for these women is that they do the "second shift" they try to juggle
    work and family responsibilities without seeing much change from their male
    partners and little change in workplace structures.
  • Women are therefore forced to
    work in a society and workforce structured for a male worker and a female
    child carer.
  • It is hardly surprising then that
    the female workforce experience is characterised by gender pay gaps. The average
    weekly full time ordinary time earnings of women are 84.3 per cent of male
    earnings;[5] when part time and casual workers
    are added into the equation, women earn only 63 cents to the male dollar.
    And this is not just part of a catch up, either - the full time earnings ratio
    dropped over the last year and has been stagnating for nearly a decade.
  • Women also suffer financial disadvantage
    compared to men as a result of foregone earnings from taking time out of the
    workforce to give birth to children - women with high levels of education
    (12 years) forego $239 000 in lifetime earnings from having one child.[6]
    This time out means that the women never quite catch up with their male and
    childless female peers.
  • Because of course women who remain
    childless - and their numbers are increasing - do not need to forego earnings
    as a direct result of leaving the workforce to have children.
  • However these women are still
    disadvantaged compared to their male peers because of gendered assumptions
    about all women and all men. This can range from decisions made by young men
    and women that lead to the highly sex segregated workforce we have in Australia,
    and in which "women's" work is undervalued compare to what is seen as "traditionally"
    men's. It is also the result of workplace discrimination.
  • Let's briefly consider the male
    worker for whom the workforce is designed.
  • He enters the workforce, puts
    in the hours, the overtime, the years and reaps the benefits which come in
    the form of pay rises and promotions.
  • It is a vertical climb and in
    theory, should he continue to follow this pattern, there is nothing stopping
    him from reaching the top. Of course we all know that socio-economic factors
    such as race and class affect these outcomes, but certainly, it is likely
    that gender is the most significant determining factor in how we spend our
    working lives.
  • For the 76 per cent of women expected
    to have children, the experience will be vastly different.[7] Their
    workforce experience will be usually involve career breaks.
  • They may also require a different
    mode of working - part time work, more access to flexible hours, perhaps a
    greater need to use personal leave to care for sick children.
  • Women's working lives will be
    less likely than men's to be a straight line, more like a meandering path.
  • Of course we know all of this.
    For women to participate equally in the paid workforce, increasingly workplace
    professionals are becoming aware that we need to restructure the workplace
    to accommodate women's family responsibilities.
  • This is exactly what paid maternity
    leave provides. It makes it possible for women to leave the workforce
    for a period of time around the birth of their child, while her position in
    the workforce remains, at least in theory and according to the law, secure.
  • Paid maternity leave means
    women actually can access this period of leave - as no loss of income
    will be incurred in doing so.
  • Paid maternity leave therefore
    allows women to combine paid work and motherhood in the period directly after
    the birth of a child.
  • This is why the Human Rights and
    Equal Opportunity Commission recommended that a national scheme of paid maternity
    leave be introduced.
  • The paper, A Time to Value,
    was released in December 2002. The paper outlined the benefits of a national
    scheme of paid maternity leave, which include assisting in ensuring the health
    and wellbeing of women and their children, promoting equality, eliminating
    discrimination, contributing to the maintenance of Australia's fertility rate
    and assisting with the maintenance of Australia's human capital.
  • The paper proposed that women
    who had been in paid work for forty of the past fifty two weeks be entitled
    to fourteen weeks of paid leave, up to the level of the Federal Minimum Wage.
    The payment would be Government funded. Women receiving the benefit would
    not be entitled to Family Tax Benefit A and B for those weeks, would not be
    entitled to the first twelve months of the Baby Bonus nor to the Maternity
    Allowance.
  • It was estimated that this scheme
    would support 82,000 women currently in work at the time of their baby's birth.
  • It is a good first step in both
    allowing women to combine work and family responsibilities and in addressing
    the discrimination they experience as a result of doing so, but it is only
    a first step for a number of reasons.
  • First, although stating the obvious,
    a child is a long term responsibility. Paid maternity leave will at best allow
    a woman to balance work and child care in the first few months of the child's
    life.
  • It is therefore not a response
    to any of her needs and the subsequent discrimination she may experience once
    she returns to work. And we know this is a real issue.
  • It can be argued that the symbolic
    valuing of motherhood that paid maternity leave may bring will result in a
    greater valuing of motherhood in general and therefore a reduction in the
    discrimination that women will face when they attempt to balance work and
    family responsibilities at other points of their working lives.
  • For most women, of course, however,
    this is still hypothetical. Only about 30 per cent of women in the Australian
    workforce have access to some form of paid maternity leave[8]
    - and the average length of time for which it is offered is 6 weeks.[9]
  • And of course paid maternity leave
    is not any kind of silver bullet. It can only be useful as a first step in
    restructuring our workforce to be more gender and family friendly.
  • So paid maternity leave is a good
    first step for allowing women to combine paid work and family responsibilities.
    But it allows only women to better combine work and family.
  • We proposed that paid leave be
    available to women only and should not be transferable to fathers. This was
    a contentious decision. However, we decided that the first fourteen postnatal
    weeks should be available to the birth mother only for recovery purposes.
  • But of course bearing should not
    be confused with caring for children.
  • We need to accept the challenge
    of making sure that men are able to participate in caring for children over
    the long years of their childhood.
  • In terms of addressing discrimination
    we must do more than make it possible for women to do the double shift with
    greater ease.
  • Work and family must therefore
    become more than a women's issue.
  • It is imperative that we engage
    men.
  • This should actually be quite
    simple, because unlike child bearing, which is a function biologically limited
    to one sex child caring and child raising is about parenting - and parenting
    is about both mothers and fathers.
  • Both men and women should be given
    the ability and opportunity to both work and parent.
  • But while we are seeing women
    moving into the paid workforce in droves, we are not seeing men taking up
    a comparably greater share of unpaid caring work.
  • Since 1982, there has been a 76
    per cent increase in the amount of time married and de facto women spend working.
    They have managed this extra work in a range of ways, including by sleeping
    less, buying more pre-prepared food, outsourcing domestic chores and spending
    less time on recreation and leisure. In 1997, women undertook around three
    quarters of unpaid childcare work, and two thirds of housework.
  • In 1997, men spent 16 minutes
    a day on average in child care as a main activity, women 45 minutes.[10]
    These figures drastically increase when we take into account multi-tasking
    and the fact that not all people do childcare - amongst people who actually
    did some childcare, men spent an average of 301 minutes a day and women spent
    488 minutes a day on child care.[11]
  • So what to do about this? It requires
    practical and attitudinal changes.
  • While we recommended the first
    fourteen weeks of paid leave be maternity leave only, and available to non
    birth parents only in very limited circumstances, any longer period of paid
    leave should be shared between parents.
  • This is the standard practice
    across Europe.
  • In Denmark for example 28 weeks
    of paid maternity leave is provided to mothers, the last 10 of which may be
    taken by the father.
  • Turning to more long term measures
    - flexible working arrangements, including part time work should be available
    to all parents.
  • It can be argued that currently
    they are. It is true, when workplaces offer flexible arrangements they rarely
    restrict them to women, rather making them available to all employees. The
    year of unpaid parental leave is available to either mothers or fathers.
  • In theory then there is nothing
    stopping men from accessing part time working arrangements or flexible work
    hours.
  • In reality, we do not live in
    a society which tolerates or venerates men who do part time work or leave
    work early to pick up a sick child from school.
  • Our culture is such that these
    men are more likely to be seen as uncommitted to their careers to an even
    greater extent than women who allow their family life to intrude into their
    working life. The tariff for being involved in the unpaid caring work of their
    families is very high for men.
  • So most of them don't do it. And
    as long as men continue to earn more than women it usually makes more sense
    for the women to change her paid work arrangements to factor in child care.
    The discrimination is self perpetuating and circular.
  • The reality is then that we can
    implement as many 'family' friendly practices or policies as we like,
    however unless they are coupled with a genuine attitude that either
    parent can access these measures they will be for 'women only'.
  • Litigation can assist in this
    challenge. Obviously legal decisions can provide clarity on areas of law and
    in particular fact situations that have previously been untested. This is
    exactly what we are seeing in the federal discrimination jurisdiction before
    the Federal Court and the Federal Magistrates' Service.
  • Litigation is also useful in changing
    attitudes. And we are certainly seeing that in the federal discrimination
    jurisdiction also.
  • Using intervention powers or acting
    as amicus curiae the Sex Discrimination Commissioner is also able to raise
    broader issues of sex discrimination in the courts and hopefully influence
    jurisprudence in this area.
  • Each of the special purpose Commissioners
    of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission have the function of
    assisting the Federal Court or Federal Magistrates Service as amicus curiae
    in discrimination matters.
  • An amicus curiae is a "friend
    to the court" who assists the court on points of law in a particular case.
  • Amici are generally not parties
    to the proceedings, do not file pleadings or lead evidence and they may not
    lodge an appeal.
  • This amicus curiae function can
    only be exercised with the leave of the Federal Court or the Federal Magistrates
    Service where the Court is hearing an application alleging unlawful discrimination
    under Division 2, Part IIB of HREOCA.
  • Commissioners may seek leave to
    appear as amicus where:

    • the Commissioner thinks the
      orders may affect to a significant extent the human rights of persons who
      are not parties to the proceedings; or
    • the proceedings, in the opinion
      of the Commissioner, have significant implications for the administration
      of the relevant Act/s; or
    • the proceedings involve special
      circumstances such that the Commissioner is satisfied that it would be in
      the public interest for the Commissioner to assist the Court as amicus.
  • The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity
    Commission has produced Guidelines on the amicus function which are available
    on our website.
  • However myself and the SDU, in
    conjunction with the Legal and Complaints sections of the Commission, are
    keenly involved in assessing case as suitable for amicus applications.
  • We have regular meetings to assess
    terminated cases and discuss those applications that are sent to us by the
    courts. Parties are actually required to send us a copy of any application
    from a HREOC complaint, but in practice they often don't so we rely on the
    court to forward copies of all applications to us for as assessment as potential
    amicus cases.
  • To date, there have only been
    two cases in which the Sex Discrimination Commissioner has acted as amicus,
    under the statutory regime, where the case has proceeded to a decision.
  • Both cases were sex discrimination
    matters and therefore both involved the Sex Discrimination Commissioner acting
    as in this role.
  • The cases were Ferneley v The
    Boxing Authority of New South Wales
    [12]
    and Gardner v AANA Ltd .[13]
  • Both cases related to issues surrounding
    women in sport. As this is outside of the topic of today's discussion I will
    not discuss either in detail.
  • While we keep our eyes open for
    any matters that could either be risky or good opportunities in terms of the
    development of the law or the interpretation of our legislation (such as in
    the case of Ferneley), in practice we have defined a number or areas
    of law where we re-focussing on getting some jurisprudence developed - the
    discrimination experienced by women as a result of trying to combine work
    and family being one such area.
  • The Sex Discrimination Commissioner
    cannot choose when she introduces important gender issues into the courts
    when acting as amicus curiae or when intervening in cases. Rather she has
    to wait for the correct opportunity and context (being the case).
  • Once acting in either of these
    roles the Commissioner is however able to bring to the court's attention relevant
    sex discrimination issues as they affect many women - not just the complainant.
  • For example, and in relation to
    the discrimination that women experience as a result of trying to balance
    work and family responsibilities, the Commissioner intervened in the case
    of Ainsworth v Song.
  • This intervention occurred when
    the matter was on appeal before a Full Court of the Federal Court in 2002.[14]
  • The issue at the core of the case
    was dismissal on the ground of family responsibility.
  • The Commission made written and
    oral submissions to the Court about the meaning of "dismissal".
  • Although the matter was fully
    heard, it was since settled by the parties and no judgment was received.
  • During the hearing the Court made
    it fairly clear that they accepted the position put for Ms Song and by the
    Commission that "dismissal" included constructive dismissal (as had been the
    finding of the Magistrate at first instance).
  • The Court seemed to accept that
    Ms Song had been dismissed in this case by virtue of the fact that she had
    been "demoted" to part-time employment by her employer who refused to let
    her have a flexible working day that would have enabled her to take a 20 minute
    break each afternoon to pick up her young son and drop him home.
  • In fact all Ms Song had wanted
    to do was change her lunch break from 1pm to 2.30pm to enable her to do so.
  • The Court made it very clear that
    it thought that it was extraordinary that the employer was not prepared to
    settle the matter by allowing the flexibility that Ms Song sought.
  • They urged, repeatedly, for the
    parties to consider mediation and, unusually, suggested at the conclusion
    of the hearing, with the decision reserved, that they take advantage of the
    services of the Registrar in having one last try at settling the matter.
  • The matter was settled and therefore
    discontinued before a judgment was delivered.
  • Although disappointing from the
    point of view of development of the law, I expect it was a good thing for
    Ms Song. Such is the lot of the intervener!
  • Despite this outcome it appears
    from this case that the courts believe that employers should be working with
    employees to find solutions that will make it possible for them to combine
    work and family - rather than using these conflicting commitments as grounds
    for dismissal.
  • These cases, as I say, have a
    great ability to advance our understanding of the law and to change attitudes.
  • However, there is one important
    gap. And that is men's ability to litigate discrimination on the ground of
    family responsibilities.
  • Under the Sex Discrimination
    Act
    , the ground of family responsibilities is limited to discrimination
    that results in dismissal. It has been found to include a fairly broad interpretation
    of constructive dismissal, but it is still a limited ground of discrimination.
    That's why the numbers of complaints on that ground are so low - around 2%
    of all complaints under the Sex Discrimination Act.
  • What is more commonly being used
    now in the federal jurisdiction to address this kind of discrimination is
    indirect sex or pregnancy discrimination.
  • The first and one of the most
    well known cases concerning the discrimination women experience as they attempt
    to balance work and family responsibilities, Hickie v Hunt and Hunt[15]
    in fact was an indirect sex discrimination case.
  • This case involved a female solicitor
    at a law firm who had been nominated for advancement to contract partner.
  • After the nomination, the woman
    advised the firm that she was pregnant. It was agreed that she would take
    three months off work after the birth and then work three days per week on
    her return.
  • Shortly before her scheduled return
    several of the firm's partners met with the solicitor and suggested that she
    reduce her practice and give up a number of her case files.
  • She did not agree with this proposal
    and the firm then refused her request for a temporary replacement. She returned
    to work, working three days from the office and two days from home.
  • In a subsequent performance assessment
    the woman received an unfavourable review. In noted "I do not believe you
    can run a practice and service clients three days per week."
  • The woman's partnership contract
    was not renewed and she complained that the statement concerning part time
    work was in effect a requirement that she must work full time to maintain
    her position and that such a requirement was indirect discrimination on the
    grounds of sex.
  • The firm responded to this by
    saying that full time work was inherent to the position.
  • Our Commission, which at that
    stage was still hearing complaints of discrimination, found that the requirement
    to work full time would inevitably disadvantage women practitioners who, like
    all women, have the major responsibility for caring for children. The Commission
    found that the requirement to work full time imposed on the solicitor in order
    to maintain her position was not reasonable in the circumstances: indirect
    sex discrimination.
  • Because the case was framed as
    indirect sex discrimination, a man in a similar position would not have succeeded.
  • So unfortunately it was able only
    to entrench attitudes around men's and women's respective roles in unpaid
    caring work.
  • This is one of the limits of the
    Sex Discrimination Act and I believe it is one that needs to be addressed
    - we need to broaden the scope of our family responsibilities anti-discrimination
    provisions under the Sex Discrimination Act as some of the State and
    Territory jurisdictions are now doing with their anti-discrimination legislation.
  • However, in another sense, Hickie
    v Hunt & Hunt
    was very successful in stimulating debate and affecting
    attitudes - for example, at the time, it was discussed as establishing a right
    to part time work (and of course this wasn't always seen as a positive!).
  • Cases since are showing that a
    blanket refusal to consider a woman's request for part time work on return
    from maternity leave can be considered discriminatory.
  • The case of Thomson v Orica
    Australia Pty Ltd
    [16] , for example, moves
    this principle along.
  • In this case the complainant was
    a high level account manager for a large chemical company.
  • Upon returning from 12 months
    maternity leave she discovered that although she had the same salary, car
    and title, she had been sidelined to another division of the company where
    she was to be responsible for looking after hundreds of inactive, small accounts.
  • This was held by the Federal Court
    to be unlawful discrimination on the grounds of pregnancy.
  • Justice Allsop who presided over
    the case, held that the complainant had been 'somewhat shabbily and arrogantly
    treated' as a result of going on maternity leave.
  • He rejected the company's argument
    that the position given to her upon returning to work was identical to her
    previous one.
  • He stated that a position was
    more than just a salary and title it was also status, duties and responsibilities.
  • He pointed to the company's own
    family leave policy which the complainant had relied upon and was denied.
  • It stated that employees have
    the right to return to their previous position following maternity leave,
    or if that no longer exists, to a comparable position if available.
  • This decision highlights that
    courts will not let companies hide behind 'glossy' family friendly work policies.
    There has to be substance and genuine commitment to these policies.
  • These are great advances, but
    discrimination cases suffer the same limitation as all litigation - they are
    essentially reactive.
  • That's why the ACTU's work and
    family test case which is expected to be heard by the Australian Industrial
    Relations Commission this year is exciting. As a test case, it is intended
    to be proactive on these issues.
  • The test case will aim to have
    a number of clauses inserted in a variety of awards.
  • These clauses include the right
    to return to work part time from parental leave, the right to request part
    time work to meet family responsibilities at other times and an extension
    of unpaid parental leave to two years.
  • That this test case has the ability
    to facilitate change on a broader level and in a proactive manner was highlighted
    by the Sex Discrimination Commissioner who stated in her media release that
    the social implications that may arise out of the test case are crucial.[17]
  • In addressing work and family
    issues the Sex Discrimination Unit is also able to undertake a diverse range
    of proactive activities.
  • This includes the production of
    the Pregnancy Guidelines, which outline the lawful way in which employers
    should deal with pregnancy in the workplace.
  • The guidelines provide a benchmark
    against which employers can develop and update their policies and procedures.
  • Likewise, the Sex Discrimination
    Unit's paid maternity leave campaign aims to make it possible for women to
    combine work and mothering in the early weeks of a child's life. It has the
    potential to be a policy proposal which signals a shift in the way we approach
    parenting in the workplace.
  • Now I started writing this speech
    wanting to give you all a very practical and pragmatic discussion of developments
    in the law around sex discrimination and equality. However, I decided that
    unless we remind ourselves every so often of where we are going and why, it
    is sometimes difficult to work consistently towards those goals.
  • I would suggest to you that what
    we are trying to achieve is a society that allows both men and women to parent
    and to participate in the paid workforce without disadvantage. It would be
    good for women - we would reduce the amount of workplace disadvantage we currently
    suffer. And we would probably get a lot more sleep. Men would be able to participate
    in the caring roles that we are now seeing they sorely miss. Kids would no
    doubt benefit from having two available parents. Our workplaces would be more
    productive and efficient. And our society would be a better functioning place
    in general.
  • It is an approach I would commend
    to you. As I say, there is not silver bullet. But these challenges can be
    met.

  1. Human
    Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Annual Report 2001-02 at http://www.humanrights.gov.au/annrep01_02/.
  2. Human
    Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Annual Report 2001-02 at http://www.humanrights.gov.au/annrep01_02/.
  3. Human
    Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Annual Report 2000-01 at http://www.humanrights.gov.au/annrep00_01/.
  4. Human
    Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Annual Report 2001-02 at http://www.humanrights.gov.au/annrep01_02/
  5. ABS
    6302.0 Average Weekly Earnings Australia February 2003.
  6. Bruce
    Chapman and Matthew Gray The Foregone Earnings from Child Rearing Revised
    Discussion paper No 47 Centre for Economic Policy Research Australia National
    University Canberra 1999.
  7. John
    Paice Fertility: A Baby Bounce for Australia? Department of the Parliamentary
    Library Current Issues Brief No. 1 2003-04, 2003.
  8. ABS
    6310.0 Employee Earnings, Benefits and Trade Union Membership August
    2002 Canberra, p29.
  9. Commonwealth
    Department of Employment and Workplace Relations Workplace Agreements Database
    3 April 2002 unpublished data.
  10. ABS
    4153.0 How Australians Use Their Time Commonwealth of Australia 1998,
    17.
  11. ABS
    4153.0 How Australians Use Their Time Commonwealth of Australia 1998,
    25.
  12. [2001]
    FCA 1740 (10 December 2001)
  13. [2003]
    FMCA 81 (13 March 2003)
  14. Appeal
    was from Song v Ainsworth Game Technology Pty Ltd [2002] FMCA 31 (8
    March 2002).
  15. (1998)
    EOC 92-910
  16. [2002]
    FCA 939 (30 July 2002).
  17. HREOC
    media release, Tuesday 24 June 2003 "test case has crucial social implications".

Last
updated 4 September 2003