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Winds of Change: Indirect Discrimination and University Culture

Speech by Susan Halliday, Sex Discrimination Commissioner to the Women and the Culture of Universities International Conference, Sydney, 15 July 1998.

It is nearly fifteen years since the introduction of the Sex Discrimination Act - legislation enacted in Australia to meet our international obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. At the same time too, we have seen the introduction of legislation (The Affirmative Action Act) designed to commit organisations of 100 or more employees to determining measures and programs to ensure that women are afforded equal opportunity. Why then, does current research indicate that there are still profound difficulties for women in achieving equality and equity within the university culture?

From the outset, I must state that I am impressed with the level of research which has considered the barriers faced by women in the tertiary environment, and I am particularly grateful to the work of Dr Clare Burton whose report Gender Equity in Australian University Staffing has been invaluable in the preparation of this paper. The range of research sources contained in the report have resulted in a comprehensive overview of the barriers faced by women in their quest for gender equity.

The focus of this paper is primarily on women as academics. I wish however, to fully acknowledge that the concerns of women working as general staff within universities should not be overlooked and that many of their concerns are as pressing if not more pressing. Similarly, it would be naive not to consider the problems faced by women as students. In seeking solutions to the discrimination that exists within university culture, I believe it would be useful to forge coalitions among both academic and general staff (and students where appropriate) in seeking longer term cultural change that will ultimately effect better outcomes for all women regardless of their status.

As Sex Discrimination Commissioner, it is my responsibility to manage and conciliate complaints brought under the Sex Discrimination Act. For this reason, I believe what I can most usefully contribute to today's proceedings is a brief analysis of a case scenario based on concerns received by the Commission that relate to a tertiary environment. It is important to note that an assessment of complaints statistics to the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission reveals that very few complaints of sex discrimination are made by women employed within universities. Anecdotally however, there is a wealth of information on which to draw. Lack of formal complaints may be explained by:

The Sex Discrimination Act 1984

The Sex Discrimination Act prohibits direct and indirect discrimination on the grounds of sex, marital status, pregnancy and potential pregnancy (Division 1, Part 2):

Definitions

Direct Sex Discrimination
Direct sex discrimination occurs where a person of one sex is treated less favourably than a person of the opposite sex in circumstances that are not materially different (s5(1)). For example, if a woman is sacked because she advises her employer that she is pregnant or is denied access to a promotion or relocation because of gender, this would be "direct" sex discrimination.

Indirect Sex Discrimination
Indirect sex discrimination occurs where a condition, requirement or practice is imposed that has the effect of disadvantaging people of one sex in relation to the other, and this is not reasonable in the circumstances (s.5(2)). For example, a policy that intended to give a wage increase to those employees who had worked continuously for the company for 10 years would indirectly discriminate against women who had interrupted continuous service to have children. It may also have direct and indirect age discrimination possibilities.

Matters to be taken into account in determining whether a condition, requirement or practice that may be indirectly discriminatory is reasonable include:

  1. the nature and extent of the disadvantage;
  2. the feasibility of overcoming or mitigating the disadvantage; and
  3. whether the disadvantage is proportionate to the result sought by the imposition of the condition, requirement or practice.

Consider the following case scenario which illustrates some of the major obstacles facing women today in the tertiary environment. This case study is based purely on anecdotal information and does not correspond to a specific complaint.

Case Study

A woman, Maya is employed by a university on a year to year contract as a tutor with the university. Under her contract, she is not paid over university breaks and is only told her contract is to be renewed a few weeks before term starts. At the same time, Joshua is also employed on a contract basis with similar terms and conditions, except he negotiates pay between sessions.

When first employed Maya is told by a former head of the school that she would not get anywhere if she decides to have children. On contract for three successive years, she applies unsuccessfully on a number of occasions for tenure.

Student feedback consistently indicates that Maya's skills as a teacher are highly prized by her students and she is on a number of administrative committees.

Maya decides to have children and has to take unpaid leave. While on leave she sees an advertisement for a tenured position in her department and is again unsuccessful with her application. The successful applicant is Joshua. The university gives as a reason Maya's insufficient published work and failure to complete a higher degree in contrast to Joshua who has published several papers. They also argue that because of the casual nature of her contract positions alongside her maternity leave, she does not qualify for a tenured position because of her interrupted service.

Maya believes that her lack of success at securing a tenured position later, is due to her sex and the fact she had to devote time to her family responsibilities. She also believes that her valuing of teaching had impacted on her ability to publish work and argues that the university culture fails to equally value her teaching and administrative skills. She also argues that at her most recent interview for a tenured position the panel consisted of men only and that this resulted in bias in the appointment.

What does the case study raise?

Casual Labour
Firstly, women as we know, are more likely to be employed as casual staff by universities. Increasing concerns about funding are likely to exacerbate the situation. Sector-wide staffing figures make it clear that any cost-cutting strategies directed at fixed-term positions held at Lecturer A and B levels will have more of an impact on women's overall representation within the sector than on men's. Of all female academics employed within the sector, 46.1 per cent were, in 1996, on fixed-term contracts at Levels A and B. The figure for male academics was 27 per cent.

Pay Equity
This casualisation of labour not only impacts on women's earning capacity in the immediate present, but impacts on their potential income well into the future and can be seen as leading to serious pay inequity for women within the academic sphere. In the case of Maya in contrast to Joshua, her contract position did not allow for paid university breaks or paid sick leave for example, which forced her to look at other ways of supplementing her income during session breaks. This in turn, impacted on her ability to undertake the research necessary for the publication of work or the completion of a higher degree.

Children or Family Responsibilities
Another key issue relates to opportunities (and limitations) for women who have children or family responsibilities. In the above case scenario, Maya was told at the outset that any decision to have children would result in her detriment. Clearly, this is outright direct sex discrimination, but unfortunately has been a common concern for women with family responsibilities and is not limited only to the university context. At the Commission we have heard of examples of women being asked at interview how they propose to combine work and family duties - again directly discriminatory - because few men, if any, are likely to be asked the same question in the same circumstances.

Indirect Discrimination
A major consideration in this case scenario and probably as Sex Discrimination Commissioner what I see as being one of the most serious obstacles for women across Australia is how to successfully pinpoint and challenge instances of indirect sex discrimination. In the above example there are several factors that need to be considered and without extensive case law, it is impossible to state what the actual findings would be should Maya pursue a complaint of indirect discrimination. However, important to consider in the above example is that Maya is specifically advised that one of the reasons she fails to secure a tenured position is because of her lack of continuous service. This certainly raises some alarm bells. First, Maya is employed on a casual basis, and this immediately results in disadvantage to her on a number of different levels. If statistics show that more women are employed on a casual basis, then one could consider an argument that more women than men are unlikely to be able to demonstrate continuous service. With the additional complication of time off for parental leave and the fact that women are likely to be the primary carers for children, it becomes clearly apparent that a requirement for uninterrupted service in order to qualify for promotion is likely to be discriminatory.

Anti-discrimination laws state that unlawful indirect discrimination occurs where a condition, requirement or practice is imposed that has the effect of disadvantaging a group of people in relation to the other, and this is "not reasonable in the circumstances of the case". It is impossible to state definitively what would be reasonable or unreasonable in any particular case as circumstances will be unique to individual cases.

The notion of reasonableness cannot therefore be discussed other than in general terms, because the individual circumstances of each case will determine the degree of reasonableness. Reasonableness is a question of fact, not of law. Indirect discrimination may not be deliberate, but the burden of proof of determining that the condition or policy is not discriminatory lies with the respondent. That is, once a complainant has shown that indirect discrimination has occurred, it is up to the respondent employer to show that discrimination was reasonable under the circumstances. Reasonableness can thus be thought of as a kind of defence to indirect sex discrimination.

In this case, Maya would need to show that she suffered a sex-based disadvantage as a result of the rule. To support her case she could draw on evidence to show that seniority and continuous service policies are likely to have a disparate impact on women. Once she has shown the disparate impact it will then be up to the respondent/employer to justify the rule's existence and establish that there is not a viable non-discriminatory alternative.

Examples of the type of practices which may constitute indirect discrimination include:

Promotion procedures - procedures which restrict access to promotion of particular classes of staff may be indirectly discriminatory, for example the exclusion of part-time staff, temporary or un-tenured staff from promotion rounds would seem unjustified when women, in particular are concentrated in those employment categories.

Staff development - policies which restrict access to staff development opportunities to full-time or permanent staff or to staff employed at specific levels could also be indirectly discriminatory. The reasonableness of such policies would need to be examined.

Performance pay - policies which only allow access to performance based salary supplementation to particular disciplines or fields of work, where it appears that a substantially higher proportion of men than women would have access to such a scheme suggests that this could be indirectly discriminatory. Denial of access to bonus schemes or special benefits on the basis of pregnancy or marital status could also be discriminatory.

Valuing Skills

The other issue raised by Maya is that of "what is valued?". In essence, she believes her skills as a teacher are overlooked because to achieve promotion, the preferred model of assessment is one that largely considers published work. Although this doesn't relate directly to discrimination law it brings up many challenges in terms of confronting organisational norms and culture which favour men over women. To elaborate on strategies required to confront such norms would be a paper in itself, but nonetheless, it remains a fact that unless as women we can define and gain acceptance for alternative ways of working, we will remain at a disadvantage.

Adequate and appropriate representation

Finally, simple as it sounds, many selection panels still overlook the need to have appropriate representation. This representation should not only be confined to sex, but needs to consider representation of other groups for example, ethnic minority representation. There is little chance of achieving meaningful diversity without it. Representation needs to extend beyond recruitment and selection. Absence of women on key decision making bodies has been the subject of criticism in virtually all reviews and reports investigating the position of women in universities. Without power, effecting change is going to take a lot longer.

Some Solutions

The above case scenario cannot cover the extent to which women can be disadvantaged in tertiary education and employment - but it does raise some of the most critical issues that have come to the attention of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Tackling and overcoming disadvantage and discrimination requires a multi-faceted approach and some excellent suggesions for action are included in Burton's book. In summary, it is important to point out the following:

Last updated 1 December 2001